By Kavi Chongkittavorn
In Singapore last week, incoming Asean secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan made his first comments on Burma following the endorsement of the Asean Charter at the Singapore Summit.
He said that Asean would strongly back the good offices of the United Nations through special envoy Ibrahim Gambari in solving the crisis in Burma. Surin paraphrased the views expressed by Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong at the summit he hosted, saying that even though Burma has chosen to deal with the UN, the grouping stands ready to help with the process.
The questions to ask now are: what is the present State of the UN process in Burma now, and when would it be most suitable for Asean to re-engage with its pariah member?
Gambari is touring the region to sound out Asean members on their views and positions. Last week he visited Cambodia, a country that has benefited tremendously from UN humanitarian and electoral assistance. Using lessons from his country’s experience, Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said that the international community should provide humanitarian aid to Burma to solve the crisis. After the violent crackdowns at the end of September, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen was the only Asean leader to call for a more active role for the grouping in ending the nightmare.
While in Phnom Penh, the UN special envoy condemned the Burmese junta’s shutting down of a monastery used as a hospice for HIV/Aids patients. “Any action that runs counter to the spirit of national reconciliation in an all-inclusive manner, any action that will inflame passions, any action that will undermine the dialogue between the government and those who disagree with the policies of the Government should be avoided,” he emphasised. He stressed that the UN has called repeatedly for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Obviously, these sentiments, which have been expressed repeatedly, have yet to sink into the minds of the junta. Gambari’s flurry of diplomatic activity has not resulted in progress. Somehow, all major players, especially those in the region - China, India, and Asean - are enjoying a diplomatic time out and putting the burden on the UN’s shoulders. Everybody realises that the UN-led process will be time-consuming and will inevitably have to follow Rangoon’s agenda. The junta is again testing whether international resolve can last for any significant length of time. It is incumbent on the international community to ensure that there is no backsliding on Burma.
Maybe it is about time that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon makes an effort to influence the UN’s role by visiting Burma himself. Ban is scheduled to visit Thailand for three days this weekend after short trips to Bali, for a UN conference on climate change, and East Timor. While in Bangkok, he should hop on a plane for the short flight across the Tanaosri Mountain range to see the Burmese reality with his own eyes. He should use the prestige of his office and not tiptoe around. The Thai Government has already said that the Burmese issue will not be discussed during his visit. As such, it is imperative that he visits Burma.
Indeed, Ban’s trip to the front-line Asean state comes at the worst time, because the Surayud Government has developed a diplomatic phobia concerning Burma. However, credit must be given to Surayud for delaying the planned visit of Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein. Right after the summit, the junta wanted Asean and Bangkok to reaffirm their support of its seven-point road map towards democracy.
Asean leaders endorsed the road map when it was presented by former prime minister Khin Nyunt at the Bali Summit in 2003. But Thein Sein wants a rubber stamp of his own from Asean. Before the Singapore Summit, Asean leaders were discreet on the outcome of their discussions on Burma. In the past they would never wash their dirty linen in public, but at the latest summit and at the ministerial meeting in New York they broke with this long-held Asean tradition. By publicly expressing revulsion against a fellow member, they thought their fellow citizens would become more aware of Burma’s response or lack of one.
Unfortunately, this approach is still very passive and depends on Burma cooperating on national reconciliation and releasing Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as other political prisoners. In the near future, the situation will reach a point at which Asean will no longer be able sit on the fence, which it has done for a decade after admitting Burma. The junta has excelled in coping with outside pressure, both from within and outside Asean.
From 1975 up until recently, the Burmese junat has milked Asean’s goodwill to the hilt in order to prop up its regime and remain intransigent, avoiding the UN altogether.
Asean has served as a strong bulwark against the onslaught from the United States and European Union. At the UN in the past, Asean delegates spoke on behalf of Burma, defending its human-rights record. Now, Rangoon is playing a different card following Asean’s public condemnation of its violent crackdowns.
The junta now prefers the UN, knowing full well that the chances it will drag its feet on the current process are far greater. This explains why Rangoon was furious at Singapore’s suggestion that Gambari brief members of the East Asian Summit. The host eventually had to cancel the briefing.
Despite tougher sanctions imposed by the West, coupled with Asean’s growing disdain, Burma has continued oppressing its citizens, especially now as it focuses on journalists who bring news to the outside world. Asean’s challenge concerning Burma is clear. Will Asean stand up against Burma if the UN-led process requires further engagement and commitment from the grouping? What would happen if the UN process failed on the political front? If that were to happen, what would be the most practical and appropriate response from Asean?
Listening to Surin, he seemed to beg for a clearer stand and direction from Asean leaders. After all, he is just a secretary-general with 10 unyielding bosses.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/Others/Articles.htm
In Singapore last week, incoming Asean secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan made his first comments on Burma following the endorsement of the Asean Charter at the Singapore Summit.
He said that Asean would strongly back the good offices of the United Nations through special envoy Ibrahim Gambari in solving the crisis in Burma. Surin paraphrased the views expressed by Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong at the summit he hosted, saying that even though Burma has chosen to deal with the UN, the grouping stands ready to help with the process.
The questions to ask now are: what is the present State of the UN process in Burma now, and when would it be most suitable for Asean to re-engage with its pariah member?
Gambari is touring the region to sound out Asean members on their views and positions. Last week he visited Cambodia, a country that has benefited tremendously from UN humanitarian and electoral assistance. Using lessons from his country’s experience, Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said that the international community should provide humanitarian aid to Burma to solve the crisis. After the violent crackdowns at the end of September, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen was the only Asean leader to call for a more active role for the grouping in ending the nightmare.
While in Phnom Penh, the UN special envoy condemned the Burmese junta’s shutting down of a monastery used as a hospice for HIV/Aids patients. “Any action that runs counter to the spirit of national reconciliation in an all-inclusive manner, any action that will inflame passions, any action that will undermine the dialogue between the government and those who disagree with the policies of the Government should be avoided,” he emphasised. He stressed that the UN has called repeatedly for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Obviously, these sentiments, which have been expressed repeatedly, have yet to sink into the minds of the junta. Gambari’s flurry of diplomatic activity has not resulted in progress. Somehow, all major players, especially those in the region - China, India, and Asean - are enjoying a diplomatic time out and putting the burden on the UN’s shoulders. Everybody realises that the UN-led process will be time-consuming and will inevitably have to follow Rangoon’s agenda. The junta is again testing whether international resolve can last for any significant length of time. It is incumbent on the international community to ensure that there is no backsliding on Burma.
Maybe it is about time that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon makes an effort to influence the UN’s role by visiting Burma himself. Ban is scheduled to visit Thailand for three days this weekend after short trips to Bali, for a UN conference on climate change, and East Timor. While in Bangkok, he should hop on a plane for the short flight across the Tanaosri Mountain range to see the Burmese reality with his own eyes. He should use the prestige of his office and not tiptoe around. The Thai Government has already said that the Burmese issue will not be discussed during his visit. As such, it is imperative that he visits Burma.
Indeed, Ban’s trip to the front-line Asean state comes at the worst time, because the Surayud Government has developed a diplomatic phobia concerning Burma. However, credit must be given to Surayud for delaying the planned visit of Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein. Right after the summit, the junta wanted Asean and Bangkok to reaffirm their support of its seven-point road map towards democracy.
Asean leaders endorsed the road map when it was presented by former prime minister Khin Nyunt at the Bali Summit in 2003. But Thein Sein wants a rubber stamp of his own from Asean. Before the Singapore Summit, Asean leaders were discreet on the outcome of their discussions on Burma. In the past they would never wash their dirty linen in public, but at the latest summit and at the ministerial meeting in New York they broke with this long-held Asean tradition. By publicly expressing revulsion against a fellow member, they thought their fellow citizens would become more aware of Burma’s response or lack of one.
Unfortunately, this approach is still very passive and depends on Burma cooperating on national reconciliation and releasing Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as other political prisoners. In the near future, the situation will reach a point at which Asean will no longer be able sit on the fence, which it has done for a decade after admitting Burma. The junta has excelled in coping with outside pressure, both from within and outside Asean.
From 1975 up until recently, the Burmese junat has milked Asean’s goodwill to the hilt in order to prop up its regime and remain intransigent, avoiding the UN altogether.
Asean has served as a strong bulwark against the onslaught from the United States and European Union. At the UN in the past, Asean delegates spoke on behalf of Burma, defending its human-rights record. Now, Rangoon is playing a different card following Asean’s public condemnation of its violent crackdowns.
The junta now prefers the UN, knowing full well that the chances it will drag its feet on the current process are far greater. This explains why Rangoon was furious at Singapore’s suggestion that Gambari brief members of the East Asian Summit. The host eventually had to cancel the briefing.
Despite tougher sanctions imposed by the West, coupled with Asean’s growing disdain, Burma has continued oppressing its citizens, especially now as it focuses on journalists who bring news to the outside world. Asean’s challenge concerning Burma is clear. Will Asean stand up against Burma if the UN-led process requires further engagement and commitment from the grouping? What would happen if the UN process failed on the political front? If that were to happen, what would be the most practical and appropriate response from Asean?
Listening to Surin, he seemed to beg for a clearer stand and direction from Asean leaders. After all, he is just a secretary-general with 10 unyielding bosses.
http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/Others/Articles.htm
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