Chapter 2: Factors Causing The Rise Of Political Conflicts
Panglong Agreement
BThe first conflict was as a result of the pre-and post-historic 1947 Panglong Agreement and its subsequent events. A year before the official declaration of Burma's independence, there were hectic days in which the Burman leader, General Aung San, tried to convince both the leadership of different ethnic groups of the country and the British for establishing the union of Burma. Only after giving assurances to the British government that there will be equal treatment and equal opportunity among all ethnic groups of Burma under the new democratic government, Burma was granted independence by the British. Having doubts on the Burmans' leadership, most of the ethnic groups of the country did not participate in the proceedings of the Panglong agreement. Panglong is the name of a town in Shan State where the agreement was signed. This historic event came to be known as the Panglong Agreement, bearing the name of the town where the agreement was signed. The agreement was signed on February 12, 1947, in the presence of 23 representatives from the Shan State, the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hills, who agreed to form an interim government. It is important to note that prior to the agreement, the Burman leader, Aung San, promised ethnic groups of Burma by saying "If Burma receives one kyat, you will also get one kyat." A kyat is the term given to Burmese currency. As a result of this historic agreement, till today, February 12 is observed as the Union Day of Burma.
Ethnic groups including Arakan, Karen, Karenni, Kuki, Naga, Pa-O, Palaung, Rohingya, Wa, etc., did not sign the agreement because of either not invited or doubting the sincerity of the majority Burman ethnic group. Unsatisfied with the agreement, the ethnic group like the Karen armed themselves against the Burmese government. Even the ethnic groups who signed the agreement also later on withdrew from the agreement as the new government was lacking federalism, which means the major Burman ethnic leaders were obsessed with chauvinistic ideas with a lion's share. This was the beginning of political conflicts in the history of modern Burma. Although the 1947 constitution did not make any specific mention about federalism, the aim of the agreement was to have a federal government in which every individual state would have to take responsibility for its own government. Clement Attlee was the British Prime Minister at that time. Prior to this consultation, the British colonial powers ruled the country under two administrative units- the valley area and the hill area states. During this period, many people from the hill areas converted to Christianity after being convinced by the English Christian missionaries. Education and health care facilities were provided to the people by the colonizers. One important point is that Burma was in a form of Union government for years since the country's independence. U Nu, a leader of the Anti Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), was the first Prime Minister of independent Burma. There were frequent disturbances and political instability in the country as minority ethnic groups revolted against the Burman government. With almost all ethnic groups going to rebellion, there had been unending fights between the government forces and the ethnic rebel groups. In 1958, the ruling AFPFL party split and the government collapsed, but U Nu faction won a landslide victory in the February 1960 general elections. With the government's split, the Chief of Army staff, General Newin, acted swiftly as a caretaker government. The failure of a true democratic government, absence of multi-party system and factional infighting within the party leadership in the government were the factors mainly responsible for the collapsing of U Nu's government.
The 1962 Military Coup
Ethnic unrest was going on in the country. Insurgent groups like the Karen National Union (KNU), the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), and an insurgent group from the Shan State became very active. The ethnic groups other than the majority Burmans were demanding a political dialogue based on federalism. This political unrest all over the country worried General Ne Win and his colleagues in the army. After immense pressure and demands from the federal movement groups, U Nu, the first Prime Minister, agreed to meet leaders who were demanding federalism in a so-called "federal seminar" in mid-February 1962. Taking advantage of the political instability in the country, General Ne Win and his fellow army commanders surrounded all important key points in Rangoon city and seized power on March 2, 1962. It was a bloodless coup. Since then, military dictatorship came to exist in Burma for the first time in its modern history. The military leaders were said to be disappointed by U Nu's promotion of Buddhism as state religion and tolerance on separatist groups as branded by the military leaders.
The new military government was established under the name of "Revolutionary Council" in which Ne Win was the chairman. He abolished federal system and started Burmese way of socialism and banned independent newspapers. However, after ruling the country for 26 years, this Iron man died at the age of 91 on December 5, 2002, at his residence in Rangoon. He ended his life in house arrest after his children were found guilty of plotting to overthrow the State Peace and Development (SPDC) government. Under the Revolutionary Council's rule, the country had gone down to the UN status of Least Developed Country (LDC) in 1987. One interesting thing is that Burma was once known as the "Rice Bowl of Asia" before the military took over power in the country.
Ne Win led the Revolutionary Council government which created its own party called the "Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP)" in July 1962. There had been unrest and sporadic protests throughout the country ever since the military took power. To cite one example, workers staged violent strikes in 1974 and 1975. There was confrontation between the government and the students over the proper burial of U Thant, the third General Secretary (1961 - 1971) of the United Nations. Buddhist monks and students had demonstrations on the ground that the government was refusing to give appropriate honor to the late UN General Secretary, who served for two terms with dignity. They also demanded the end of "One party Dictatorship." In this ensuing encounter, at least nine people were killed, and some 1800 were arrested in Rangoon alone. Civil war continued throughout the country as the government continued to launch aggressive campaigns against the forces of ethnic nationalities and the Burma Communist Party (BCP). Every protest and demonstration was responded to with guns. However, in 1981, Ne Win stepped down from the government's presidency and was succeeded by San Yu, a retired general, but continued to head the BSPP.
In another unusual maneuver in the country's history, the government on September 5, 1987, made an official nationwide announcement of the sudden demonetization of 25, 35, and 75 kyats currency notes issued by the Union of Burma. The sudden announcement of this order without any prior notification shocked the entire nation. On hearing this news, people from across the country came out to the streets to protest the government's order. The announcement made approximately 60 to 80% of the currency used in the country become worthless. A hundred (100) kyat currency note had been demonetized before. Demonstration and agitation was seen from university students that turned violent. The students of Rangoon Institute of Technology (RIT) smashed traffic lights and destroyed government vehicles in protest against the government's actions. The announcement came by the time the students had to clear their fees. The government immediately closed down universities, although they were reopened after two months. In this particular incident, more than 21 students were killed and other hundreds of students were arrested. As the situation worsened, the government declared martial law throughout the country.
After a few days, the government clarified that the sudden demonetization of currency notes was aimed at insurgents and black marketers. On the contrary, neither the insurgents nor the black marketers were much affected. The worst sufferers were the common people who made almost all of their savings in those demonetized currency notes. The author's family was also greatly affected by this sudden demonetization. Almost 90% of the money that we saved was in those demonetized currency notes. It was learnt that the insurgent groups did keep safe their money in either Thai or Chinese currency. Even though almost the entire country's wealth was devalued, the government neither came up with any program or measures nor any compensation to heal the wounds of many.
8888 Democracy Uprising
The beginning of 8888 democracy uprising was indeed very simple. The reason why it is known as 8888 popular uprising is that the gruesome massacre took place on August 8, 1988, i.e., 8/8/1988. It was the very day in which hundreds of demonstrators were mercilessly struck down with tanks and rifle butts. The whole episode started in a local teashop where a scuffle broke out between drunken local youths and the students of Rangoon Institute of Technology. One of the drunkards involved in the scuffle was the son of a local leader of the People's Council of Burma Socialist Program Party, the party which was in control of the military government. When students of Rangoon Institute of Technology protested the incident, they were not listened to by the council chairman; instead, a 500-strong riot police unit and soldiers armed with clubs and G-3 rifles were sent to confront the agitated students. Min Ko Naing, a student activist, pleaded that the students pass freely. Instead of accepting his plea, the soldiers shouted saying "Don't let them escape and kill them." Infuriated by the situation, stones were hurled at the policemen, in turn; the riot police retaliated with bullets, so that several students fell down on the streets with profuse bleeding. That very particular incident led to the death of three students, one in the hostel and the two others succumbed to their injuries in the hospital.
On August 8 at 8:08 a.m. local time, thousands of people took to the streets to protest the soldiers' actions and the economic crisis in the country. Students from different parts of the country took part in the demonstrations. Hundreds of high school students, wearing their school uniforms-white shirt and green longyis had valiantly confronted the rifles and bayonets of the soldiers. It was a very well organized walkout by people from all walks of life. Students showed their bared chests to the soldiers to either shoot them or bayonet them. On seeing the sentiments of the students, some soldiers hesitated to use their weapons against the demonstrators. On the contrary, there were many soldiers who cared not about the rationale of the demonstration, and started spraying their bullets indiscriminately toward the demonstrators. Many soldiers were brought from remote areas by the authority to smash the demonstrators with a convincing story that the students were communist sympathizers who wanted to disintegrate the Union of Burma. Moe Thee Zun (meaning Moe-Rain, Thee-Hailstorm, Zun-June) was one of the pioneer and prominent leading organizers of the demonstration.
Demonstrations were also heard from several places throughout the country. In Mandalay, the country's old capital, both students and monks from monasteries participated together to denounce the injustices of the military personnel who were butchering thousands of students at the behest of their commanders. Several other forms of demonstrations were also held in some schools demanding the immediate release of arrested students and for the end of one party system in the country. Between 8 to 12 August, several hundred people were killed in Rangoon alone. Students took up their fighting-peacock flags, a flag which was banned by the military regime since 1962, and the portraits of General Aung San. The demonstrators were later joined by teachers' unions, workers' unions, the health workers' union and the lawyers' union. Although it was emphasized to use non-violent means, many people, especially from the remote areas, did not really understand the effectiveness of non-violence. Instead, they surrounded and killed suspected military intelligence personnel. Some civilians even armed with swords, daggers, sharpened arrows, umbrella and bicycle spokes confronted the enemy forces.
As opposition and violence erupted frequently against the regime's leadership, on July 23, 1988, the Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP) held its crucial conference and General Ne Win resigned as leader of the regime. He stressed the need for a referendum on whether to remain in a one-party system or replace it with a multi-party system. The sudden resignation of General Ne Win surprised everyone, while many doubted his sincerity. Before the conference was ended, General Sein Lwin, the man who had only four years of education and was known to be loyal to General Ne Win, was appointed as the latter's successor.
Again, on August 12, 1988, General Sein Lwin was removed from his presidency, and Dr. Maung Maung, a legal scholar with a senior position in the BSPP, was appointed Sein Lwin's successor on August 19. The frequent change in the leadership of the ruling military regime had proved the instability of the country's political system. Five days after Maung Maung's appointment, the soldiers were called back to their base, and as a result, the shooting stopped. Thousands of people, who were afraid of being killed during the violence, now came out to the street to denounce the brutality of the military government. People from the rural areas of Shan and Karen states came down to cities to participate in demonstrations. As strikes and demonstrations continued, the military on September 18, 1988, crushed the peaceful student-led demonstrations and made another bloody coup and established a new type of dictatorship called "State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)." This bloody coup resulted in the deaths and arrests of thousands of people. The approximate number of deaths was said to be more than three thousands.
As a result of the gruesome massacre and its subsequent consequences, thousands of people belonging to different ethnic groups fled the country for their safety. In the meantime, hundreds of students went underground; started taking up arms to overthrow the merciless military regime. Insurgent groups belonging to minority ethnic groups did not involve much in the demonstrations considering that it was the battle between the Burmans' themselves. Some analysts said, "Had all the revolutionary groups been united, the outcome of the conflict could have been different." Underground organizations like Karen National Union, New Mon State Party (NMSP), and Communist Party of Burma (CPB) did not take active part in the general strikes. At that time, KNU and NMSP were fighting each other over a disputed territory. There was also lack of leadership and coordination among the public.
1990 General Elections
Before the general elections, there were numerous stages that led to the development of multi-party general elections in the country for the first time under military regime. During the SLORC's time, similar to the days of former military regime, there was political instability and public unrest throughout the country. Demonstrations and mass meetings were held, especially with the initiation of university students. Seeing the political chaos and mass unrest in the country, the leadership of the BSPP decided to conduct multi-party elections, ignoring the first promise that they would hold a referendum to see whether people supported a one-party system or multi-party rule. In the meantime, the former Prime Minister, U Nu, on September 9 announced that he had formed a government himself, appointing cabinets from his old friends and relatives. On the one hand, student leaders worked whole-heartedly for the formation of an interim government, after getting positive responses from various political leaders and the embassies they had approached. Veteran politicians and other leaders could not come together to a common stand on the formation of an interim government. At this point, Aung San Suu Kyi had not yet taken an active role in politics. Aung San Suu Kyi attended Oxford University in England where she married a British scholar, Michael Aris. She is the daughter of Burma's national hero, General Aung San, who died when she was two. Daw Suu Kyi was the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient for her commitment to a peaceful change of Burma political problems. Although she used to visit her country, she spent most of her life in overseas. During the 8888 demonstrations in Rangoon, she was at home to serve her ailing mother. Seeing the need and also being urged by others, she delivered a speech on August 26, 1988, the day the student organizers called for a nationwide strike. As she was the daughter of a national hero, her speech attracted many people, and, therefore, had a great impact on the people. In her speech, Aung San Suu Kyi urged the people not to turn to the army, but rather focus on finding democracy in a peaceful and unified way. The points she made caught the attention of half a million people who gathered there. This was a turning point in her life and for the establishment of a multi-party system in modern Burma.
With the introduction of the new military regime called the State Law and Order Restoration Council, General Saw Maung was appointed chairman of the regime. Although the former dictator General Ne Win was not included in the cabinet, all top leaders in the SLORC, including the chairman, were known to be loyal to Newin. General Newin acted as the trigger puller behind the screen. Just days after the formation of SLORC, its chairman announced for the registration of new political parties. The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo and U Aung Gyi, was one of the first to register on September 27. On the other hand, the National Unity Party (NUP), primarily comprised of former military men and members of the BSPP, was formed to confront the NLD. NUP was the reformed name of former BSPP, which was dismantled during 1988 mass demonstrations. The All Burma Federation of Students' Union (ABFSU), primarily composed of students and the Democratic Party for New Society (DPNS) were also formed. Fearing the rapid popularity of NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested on July 20, 1989, and placed under house arrest for six years and was released in 1995. U Tin Oo was also arrested the same day at his house. Later, the two NLD leaders were disqualified from running election. One of the pioneers of the students' movement, Moe Thee Zun, escaped to Thailand, where he joined the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), which was formed in late 1988.
As promised by the military regime, general election was held in May 1990 in which the NLD secured a landslide victory, winning 392, out of 485 parliamentary seats, including all fifty-nine seats in the Rangoon Division. Despite ruling Burma for 26 years, the military-backed NUP won only ten seats. The Shan National League for Democracy won twenty-three seats, while eleven seats went to the Arakan League for Democracy. The remaining seats were distributed among ethnic minority parties. Before the election, the military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), promised to respect the outcome of the general elections which was conducted under their supervision. They (SLORC) thought that the elections would go in favor of them. However, instead of transferring powers to the democratically elected members, the military regime deliberated ways to delay the transfer process. The SLORC arrested several elected Members of Parliament and other student activists who organized to form a parallel government when the regime refused to hand over power. Including Dr. Sein Win, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's cousin, a number of elected leaders, political activists, and thousands of students fled to the Thai-Burma, Indo-Burma borders and to other neighboring countries.
After fleeing the country, Dr. Sein Win and eleven other Members of Parliament formed the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), with the aim of continuing the democracy movement in exile. In the meantime, the military regime was criticized by the international community for not respecting the verdict of the people. There have also been frequent leadership changes. For example, in 1992, the collective leadership of the regime sacked General Ne Win, the chairman of the regime, who was replaced by General Than Shwe. Although he (General Ne Win) was not given a position in the new government, he constantly remained as the policy maker behind the screen until he died in February 2003. The regime changed its name from SLORC to SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) on November 15, 1997, when it joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The SPDC changed the country's capital from Rangoon to Yangon, and the country's name, Burma to Myanmar in 1989.
It was sad to see that even religious institutions were not spared during the violent actions of the soldiers. In the ensuing confrontations, several monks were either beaten up or even got killed. For months, monasteries boycotted the regime, and as a result, did not receive alms from the military personnel and their families. The monks did not even attend important services, such as funerals. According to Buddhists belief, if the monks are not present at the funeral, the spirit of the dead person would become ghosts rather than moving on to a higher form of status. The monks, particularly the junior ones, joined the fights a long with the student activists against the government soldiers. Stone pelting and slingshots were commonly used by the monks and the students in their attacks against the advancing soldiers. Seeing human rights violations and the atrocities committed on its people by the military junta, thousands of people belonging to minority ethnic groups, and other disgruntled people including monks, vowed to fight the illegitimate government with all their available resources.
Depeyin Massacre
The Depeyin massacre is the most recent event that brought political chaos into the country. The cause of the incident was interpreted into two different conclusions; the international community and the opposition parties in the country termed as an unsuccessful attempt to eliminate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition, by deploying volunteers of Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), while the ruling military regime publicized as the clash between the supporters and members of NLD and USDA volunteers. The incident took place at Depeyin on the 30th of May 2003. Meanwhile, according to eye witnesses, the whole episode was a well-planned attack on leaders and supporters of NLD in order to terrorize them by using well trained thugs and criminals from prisons. An exile Member of Parliament and minister for the Prime Minister's Office (West) of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) Dr. Tint Swe said, "Depeyin incident was a premeditated attack; it was a political massacre." The writer had an extensive one-on-one interview with the minister on March 19, 2004 in Ball State University campus. With prior permission from the authority and election commissions, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had tours to several places across the country after her release from house arrest on May 6, 2002. Taking the opportunity of her tour, Aung San Suu Kyi revamped her party by reopening offices and putting up signboards, which had been banned. As scheduled, on May 6, 2003, she started her entourage from Rangoon to Mandalay, and then proceeded to Shwe Bo, Khin U, Kaw Lin, Wun Tho, Indaw, Katha, Mohnyin, Mogaung, Pa Kan, Tanaing, Namti, Myitkyina, Waingmaw, Bamaw, Shwe Gu, Momeik, Mogok, Thabeikkyin, Singu, Madaya, Mandalay, Myintmu, Monywa, Butalin, and to Depeyin. At every stop, Aung San Suu Kyi was given open arms welcome by well-wishers and supporters across the country. Her movement was also closely monitored by military intelligent and faced harassments from the USDA volunteers. In one instance on May 16, 2003 when they were entering Myitkyina Township, people numbering about 300 carrying 2"x 1" clubs, catapults and short choppers surrounded the motorcade of Daw Aung San Suu kyi and her colleagues with hostility. Undaunted by the harassments, Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of NLD headed with their scheduled tours. On the fateful morning of May 30th, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in Monywa Township NLD office, putting up office signboard and forming the party youth wing. At about 10 a.m., departure was made for Butalin town through the circular road of Monywa. When Daw Suu and party arrived at Butalin, ceremonies of installing signboard, opening of Butalin Township NLD office and formation of Butalin Township NLD youths were performed. At about 4:30 p.m., the entourage left Butalin for Depayin Town.
Depeyin Massacre site (Photo contributed by US Embassy in Rangoon)
Upon arriving at Saingpyin village, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi went to the house of U Win Myint Aung, who was an MP-elect and had been in prison, and gave words of encouragement to family members and other NLD members of the village. Then, the entourage continued the journey, and reached Kyi village at about 7:30 - 8:00 p.m., where the massacre took place. From there, Depeyin was only about 2 miles away. At Kyi village, the villagers and local population came out to welcome Daw Suu and the NLD members. After passing Kyi village for about a hundred yards, by blocking the way in the front, two monks stopped Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's car. When central youth's security officer Ko Tun Zaw Zaw got off the car and asked the reason, the two monks said, "We have been waiting for a long time. Ask Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to give a speech." In reply, Ko Tun Zaw Zaw explained that it was not possible due to time constraint. At that moment, attackers on 2 Dyna trucks and 2 Torlagi cars, which had been tailing the convoy, repeatedly shouted, "Relying on external forces, axe handles; people with negative views, we don't want!" So shouting, they alighted from their vehicles. In response to that, Kyi villagers, who had come out to welcome Daw Suu and the NLD members, shouted back, "We the people, in turn, don't want you!" At that point, the USDA members, their mercenaries, and the faked monks, who had got off from the Dyna and Torlagi asked, "What are you saying?" So asking, they started attacking the Kyi villagers with pointed iron rods, iron bars, bamboo sticks and wooden bats, which they had brought in advance with them.
As one of the attackers' Dyna truck attempted to run over the people seen in the light of the cars, the villagers fled the scene in disorder to escape. Then the attackers approached the convoy of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. About three thousand thugs who were waiting beside the road joined the previous perpetrators and attacked the occupants of the convoy systematically. The faked monks with red arm band and people in civilian clothes with white arm band while beating the women, they shouted, "Race destroying women; you want to be wives of Kala (a derogatory word for Indians and Westerners); before you make yourselves wives of Kala, become our wives." Shouting such unspeakable abuses, they beat them up violently. From the women victims who had fallen to the ground, the attackers pulled their NLD uniform jackets and sarongs, and they wrapped the hair around their hands and bumped the faces against the tar road. They rudely and savagely attacked until causing fatal injuries. They looted ornaments and cash from the victims. The attackers concentrated their savage assault on the right side of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's car, where members of the youths responsible for security stood, with linked hands, in tiers. Many members of the youth security detail were seriously injured. As they hit violently and repeatedly on the head, NLD photographer Tin Maung Oo and Ko Thein Toe died on the spot.
To terrorize the victims, the attackers violently struck the cars with iron bars and broke car windows by stabbing with pointed iron rods. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's car had to rush out while members of the youth security detail, giving close protection to Daw Suu's car, came under intense and violent attack. At the same time, the attackers launched a violent assault on the car of NLD Vice-Chairman U Tin Oo and seized U Tin Oo at the spot of attack and took him away. U Tin Oo was then taken to Kalay prison. He, however, was shifted from prison to house arrest on February 14, 2004. Both Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo are presently placed under house arrest in their respective residences.
The victims who escaped from the first killing field near Kyi village and fled toward Depeyin were attacked again by more than 1,000 attackers, who were waiting ready on the two sides of the road, at a place near the compound of local Irrigation Department. It was a second killing field. It could also be seen with the spot lights already installed in the big rain trees beside the road and in the light of many Dyna Trucks that had been positioned by the authorities. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Dr. Hla Soe Nyunt narrowly escaped the attacks at the second killing field, because their cars rushed through the waiting crowd at high speed. Sources indicate that the authorities gathered and trained about 5,000 attackers comprising the USDA members and other criminals from prisons. [New Light of Myanmar, June 1, 2003 (SPDC, May 31 press conference)] On the morning of May 31, an emergency police station was set up near the compound of the Irrigation Department not far from the place of the incident. In order to eliminate all evidences, water was brought in with municipal trucks and bloodstains and other marks were washed away by the policemen, using brooms. Although the exact number of deaths is not ascertained, it is believed that more than 70 people were massacred in this incident.
