Saturday, September 29, 2007

Made in Myanmar

By Barkha Dutt Managing Editor, NDTV 24x7

The images are indelible thousands of red- robed monks, bare-footed and bold, quietly standing up to the armed might of riot policemen and tanks. And then the even starker photograph of a Japanese journalist continuing to film protestors on the run from military guns, even as soldiers pump him with bullets. One look at these pictures and you know you are watching history in the making. Somehow, their rawness and naked honesty make India’s silence on Myanmar seem both loud and brutal.

You wonder how the world’s largest democracy can be so numb and unmoved.

Foreign policy wonks will dismiss the outrage as the sentimental hand-wringing of the liberal elite. We will be told about the several strategic imperatives that drive our relationship with the military junta. And arguably, at a certain time in history, India probably had no other option than to do brisk business with the generals of Yangon.

Aung San Suu Kyi, who went to college in Delhi, was admired and loved, but it was clear that the struggle for democracy was losing steam. China, which had supplied arms and knowhow to Myanmar’s military, had begun to upgrade ports and facilities dangerously close to India. Military alarmists were warning that Indian armies had once marched into China down the Burma Road. How was India so sure that the reverse journey southwards was not a possibility?

And under the new regime, a country that had been a historical haven for Naga militants was now ready to close down training camps and forest hideouts. Besides, India shares a 1,700 km-long border with Myanmar. Realistically, how long could we not talk to another government based on a moral principle?

So, painful as it is, let’s agree that government policies are invariably imbued with pragmatism and cannot afford the purity of ideologies. And let’s rephrase the question — as every global leader of worth condemns the military atrocities in Myanmar, is India’s decision to remain a mute spectator an intelligent, well thought-out policy? Or is the government in danger of misreading the public mood and batting on the wrong side of change?

Poignant and disturbing as the underground stories of the Burmese people are, this cannot only be an academic debate about democracy. In fact, democracy has for long been an excuse used by powerful nations to push their armies into countries where they don’t belong. There’s no better example of that than the ill-fangled American invasion of Iraq. In the name of democracy, President George W. Bush has slapped new sanctions against Myanmar’s military government, accusing the regime of enforcing a “19-year reign of fear”. But his passionate outburst against autocracies and oligarchies was interestingly silent on Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Egypt — all close American allies, all a huge distance from democracy.

Despite the fact that a popular political movement has clearly taken root in Pakistan, Washington’s strategic interests have defined a stubbornly supportive policy when it comes to President Pervez Musharraf. This, even as every major American newspaper and commentator of consequence is warning against the Bush administration’s blind faith in a regime that has an expiry date stamped across it.

Closer home, we may like to boast that our democracy is what elevates us above the grandiose power of China, but the fact is that India’s official relationship with democracy has been full of ambivalence and contradictions. Take Pakistan again — despite all our suspicions and misgivings, and despite Kargil, the Indian establishment and many ordinary Indians were quite willing to be charmed by the smooth-talking General. On my many visits to Pakistan — and this was well before the upheaval — I was always confronted with the same question: why were Indians so taken in by a dictatorial regime? But we genuinely believed that President Musharraf was moderate, tough, innovative about the peace process and, ultimately, our best bet. The dialogue with Pakistan may have broken down a million times but our problem with the General was never that he came into power through an army coup.

It’s not as if we believed that the ‘democratically’ elected leaders who had been pushed into exile were necessarily ‘better’ for India. The Pakistan Supreme Court’s decision on Friday to allow him to contest in uniform means a huge setback for the political uprising against him.

But even so, India’s enthusiasm for his government has been inevitably diminished by the popular mood in Pakistan. We are suddenly looking at Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto with fresh eyes. This is because there comes a time in the history of nations that propels them to the precipice of dramatic change. And other countries, especially those which see themselves as regional leaders, must respond accordingly.

It’s the same principle that we must apply to the military crackdown in Myanmar so that we don’t repeat the mistake we almost made in Nepal.

India’s decision to send Karan Singh to mediate with a despot king who had already been rejected by his own people was hugely controversial and much criticised. Days into the upheaval against the palace, the government’s official position remained that the constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy were the “two pillars of Nepali polity”. When we finally decided to put our weight behind the forces of change, it looked like a belated response, instead of the firm stand by a country willing to lead.

Of course, there is nothing to indicate a sudden or dramatic turn in Myanmar yet. But the Buddhist clergy is deeply respected across every divide among the Burmese people. This time it may be a rise in fuel prices that transformed their serenity into anger and actually pulled them out from the monasteries on to the streets. But the very visible protests beamed across the entire world have stripped the Burmese generals of the last layer of legitimacy. It’s clear from the continuing street protests that this time the seeds of dissent may have been sown much deeper than the military estimates.
Change, whenever it comes and it could still take years is now an inevitability in Yangon. India has to decide which side it will be on for the day that the monks come marching in.

(Barkha Dutt is Managing Editor, NDTV 24x7)


HIV/AIDS Helpline in Lamka

HIV/AIDS tungtang haksatna leh dotnop neite adi’n landline phone hiam WLL khat zawsam tungtawn in telephone No. 1097 (toll free) in Women Dev Society pawl contact theih a, amau panpih ngaite lampi kawkmuh sek uhi.

Sungkhoh tam

Lamka, 29 Sep 2007: District Hospital a Medical Ward ah tulai a damlou omte laka a tamzaw sungkhoh ziak hi a, kuapeuh nek-le-dawn thil a pilvang ding leh tui dawn ding himhim suansousa kia dawn poimoh chi’n doctor te’n gen uhi.

ZRF pawlin thusuah bawl

Ngaihkim Zomi, i/c Info & Public Relations, ZRF in thusuah a balw dungzui in ZRF sunga kitheihsiamlouhna neuchikte ziakin PS Hangshing, C-in-C, ni tamlou sung pawldangte operational area a om sungin ZRF in KNO pawtsan chi a thusuah omte amah theihpih hilou ahihziak in zuauthu hizaw a taklang in ZRF in KNO Pawtsan in pawldang zomlou a, ZRF pen KNO armed wing laka khat hizaw chi’n puang uhi. Hun paisa a kitheihsiamlouhna neuchikte ziaka ZRf cadre kik nailoute leng Oct 5, 2007 tan a ZRF GHQ a ki report dingin theisak a, malam hun ah pawlpi musit leh masawnna ding daltu peuhmah ZRF dan tawh kithuakin pawlpi lampi apan hepkhiak hiding chi’n leng puang hi.

Electric Transformer kangsia bawl hoih uh

District hospital a electric meivak lakna Churachandpur Govt College huansung a Transformer om Aug 2007 tawpkuan a kangsia a department te’n bawlhoih dingin Sep 2, 2007 in lakhia uh a, Sep 25, 2007 in repairing zou in thuah uh a, huaini pumpi charging bawl in Sep 26, 2007 in huai transformer in ngeina bang in electric meivak supply nawnta hi. Transformer kha 1 val a siat sungin District Hospital a doctor te’n damloute operation a bawl chiang un sunni tum in generator a zatsek uh ngai hi.

CDSU in District a ding K Oil tungtang thusuah

Churachandpur District in khateng a SK Oil a ngah ding monthly quota tutan hongtunglouh ziak thildang hilou in phaijang helte pawlkhat kigolh ziak hi’n Gen Secy, Churachandpur District Students’ Union (CDSU) in thusuah hi. CDSU in mipi khualna a PDS system a buaipih lai ua hiaibang a hihbuai pawlin mipi vantang genthei taka khosate muhding thila a kigolh uh tawsan dia ngen in district ading SK Oil quota a kintehi lama puakkhiak ahih deihthu leng puang uhi. Hiai banga mipi in a ngah ding thila kigolhte’n Churachandpur District mipite tanvou hihsiatsak sawm a koih hiding uh a, CDSU huchibang thil ah dai dide in omlou ding chihthu leng puang uhi.

Rev Douzapao Memorial Trust

Evangelical College of Theology (ECT) a faculty leh student pawl kigawm in ECT akai student dinmun haksa deuhte khualna in ECCI General Secy a letlai a si “Rev Dr Douzapao Haokip Memorial Trust” patkhiak sawm uh a, Oct 2, 2007 zinglam dak 11 in ECCI Chapel ah huai honna leh mini-concert kithuah omding. Huai ah Elder LS Gangte, Chairman, ECCI in huai Memorial Trust project hong ding a, Rev Lalrosiem Songate, General Director in thugen ding hi. ECT Choir, Femal Voice, Jeff Akai, Calvary Bandh, Male voice, Rengneithang Kom, leh Michael Thangboi Haokip in mini-concert hun ah phatna la sading uhi.

KSO GHQ Election hunding puang

Secretary KSO Gen HQ a Standing Committee in Oct 27, 2007 in KSO Gen HQ vaipaw ding telna election omding hi’n puang hi. Candidate nuamte adi’n Oct 20, 2007 tan nomination fee Rs. 100 tel in nomination paper piaklut theih ding a, Oct 22, 2007 in candidate kizukkik nuamte adi’n hun hon hiding a, Oct 23, 2007 in scrutiny omding hi. Huai thusuak dungzui in KSO Gen HQ a Executive thak telma in President P Simte in Care taker President hihna lentou ding a, Onkholun Haokip, Chairman, STC a khawltak ziakin Henkholun Doungel in Chairman, STC leh Lhunkhothang Haokip, in Secy STC len ding a guan hi uhi.

ATSUM caucus calls for white paper on edn in hill areas | 450 more fake appointments in dept. | Violation of reproductive rights in Manipur

ATSUM caucus calls for white paper on edn in hill areas
By : Newmai News Network 9/29/2007 2:08:10 AM

Imphal, Sept 28: The All Tribal Students Union, Manipur (ATSUM) sponsored Caucus 2007 under the theme, "One Day Academic Session on Manipur Tribals: Today and Tomorrow" was successfully held on September 27 at Kuki Inn, Imphal, according to the ATSUM Information and Publicity Secretary Joseph R.Hmar. The ATSUM leader claimed that more than 300 delegates from all federal units, Manipur University, Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS), MIT, etc turned up for the programme.

Joseph R.Hmar further stated that besides an extensive seminar paper presented by Prof.Gangmumei Kamei on the topic-Manipur Tribal Areas Administration--Today and Tomorrow, a panel discussion on 'The State of Tribal Education in Manipur' was organised during the programme and made some important recommendations during the two sessions of the Caucus 2007

The first point recommendation was on the school education. The recommendation says that Caucus 2007 could not understand how the state government work-out the number of vacancies of teachers in government schools of the hill districts. "We therefore strongly demand that the government give out a 'white paper' on the staff position - sanctioned posts, present strength on school wise, district wise and then all hill districts".

Caucus 2007 strongly suggests the involvement and participation of the local tribal population in the day to day functioning and administration including construction of school buildings and staff quarters in their villages.

It is also suggested that communitization of primary education in the tribal areas as a part of decentralization policy and the local villagers having the power to issue leaf of absence, detain or release the salaries of teachers and further initiate action for further recruitment of new teachers or termination of teachers by the higher authorities.

The seminar expresses with regret that the much publicized Sarva Shikshya Abhiyan (SSA) project is not facilitating education, primary level in particular as anticipated. It is therefore felt that the state government of Manipur reviews the whole scheme with ATSUM caucus calls for white paper on edn in hill areas inputs from inside and outside the government.

Caucus 2007 also strongly reiterates the recommendation of Caucus 2005 that reads, "In view of the government induced decline in the quality of education in the hills of Manipur the certain points have been recommended for the government to take up in order to redeem itself for failing the hill peoples in their right to education which which include opening of one Model Primary School and one Model Junior High School in each of the blocks of every sub-division of hill district. (for administrative and infrastructural requirements/ convenience the two may be clubbed as one in one campus), opening of one Model High-Residential school in each Legislative Assembly Constituency in the hill area of Manipur. These MH-R-schools should be run and funded on the lines of the Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (JNV), opening of one Model Higher secondary-Residential school in each of the Hill districts. These MHS-R schools should share many key infrastructures and facilities with the High Residential schools or Colleges that already exist in the district headquarters, to save on overheads while getting efficient administration and work. The colleges too should be made into Model Colleges.

This year's ATSUM sponsored caucus also still strongly felt the need for the government to club together school and college education under one department-Department of school and College Education (DSCE), and then, for effective and meaningful administration/management, bifurcate the new department into Two Separate Services-the Manipur Hills education Service (MHES) and the Manipur Valley Education Service (MVES), whereby both are separate entities having their own education Ministers, own Commissioners, own Directors and Directorates.

On the higher education front it nsists that 33 percent reservation for SC/STs in all appointment, promotion and admission for various courses must be followed in Manipur University for all time to come. it also questions why the circular of the University Grant Commission, which says that, " a tribal who comes in the merit list shall be treated as general candidate without affecting the tribal quota" is not at all followed.

The caucus suggests the opening up of Post Graduate Courses in all district headquarters of the state or where there are minimums of 10 students for a particular course of study.

It stated that the conversion of Manipur University into Central University, though laudable, is not giving a better and fairer deal for the tribal students and tribal employees of Manipur University, with regard to seats in courses of study or hostel, employments, reservation, etc. "In the light of the above, it is recommended that, the government initiates steps for the establishment of a Hill University, no matter how small, for the specific upliftment and amelioration of the decades long neglected educational needs of the tribals of Manipur," said the Caucus 2007 recommendation.

Another recommendation of the caucus said, "It has been regretfully noted that the government of Manipur has neglected the upkeep of all 7 (seven) general colleges in the hill areas of Manipur, thereby deliberately denying quality higher education to the tribal population trapped in hilly remoteness".

The caucus stated that given the circumstances, it recommended that the existing 7 colleges be prepared adequately to form the nucleus of the future Hill University by making them Model Colleges, in the truest sense of the term; Till such time as declaration/up gradation to University status is reached, any future appointment of teaching and non-teaching staff in the government Higher Secondary School and Colleges should be institution specific, so that a teacher appointed to such a post will serve her/his entire service career in that one institution whose advertised post the teacher applied for.

On the Hill Areas Administration the Caucus 2007 welcomes the proposal of the state government for holding election of District Council if there is guarantee that all powers and functions and subject matters given in the Manipur Hill Areas District Council Act of 1971 is enforced and implemented to the fullest.

The Caocus 2007 also stated that land ownership should remain solely with the tribal people and therefore, Forest- a subject so dear to the tribals should also be handed over to the District Council.

It rues the fact that no p[roper policy on Education is define for the District Council and also suggest the handing over all education institutions/schools upto the Jr. High School levels to the District Council.

"Extension of Panchayati Raj institutions in tribal areas in any form is unacceptable as tribals by nature are not suited for such system of administration," stated the recommendation, adding, "it is painful to note that the Hill Areas Committee which is a constitutional body unlike those committee constituted by the speaker of the state's Legislative Assembly is not functioning as it was meant for and therefore suggest its strengthening and to the maximum".

450 more fake appointments in dept, say outlawed group
By : A Staff Reporter 9/29/2007 2:10:16 AM

IMPHAL, Sept 28: A UDC working in the directorate of education (s), was shot in the leg by cadres of the proscribed Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup, KYKL today for allegedly siphoning off over 50 lakh rupees of public funds.

Arambam Chiranjoy, 55, who was earlier working as cashier in charge of the directorate of education (s), was abandoned after being shot in the leg at Nambol Phoijing late this afternoon, and has been evacuated to Shija Hospital, Langol.

It may be mentioned Chiranjoy, who hails from Uripok Polem Leikai, had been abducted back on September 10 last by some unidentified armed youths.

Producing Chiranjoy before mediapersons somewhere in the Imphal valley prior to the shooting today, a spokesperson of the KYKL ONK said Chiranjoy was found to have siphoned off a total amount of Rs. 53,06,246 sanctioned under PMGY and ACA for construction and repair of school buildings etc by manipulating bills and account books.

Giving instances, the spokesperson said under bill no. 420-23/03/06, whereas the actual amount was Rs 92,45,579, it was inflated to Rs 1,02,48,579, with Chiranjoy pocketing Edn (s) cashier punished by KYKL for corruption

the difference. Similarly, a bill for an amount of Rs. 51,73,964 was inflected to Rs 93,75,108.

Stating that Chiranjoy had confessed to the crimes alleged against him, the spokesperson said apart from shooting him in the leg as punishment, he would be barred from working in the education department forthwith.

Further, the amount he has siphoned off would have to be paid up to the KYKL, and he would not be allowed to draw salary, pension or withdraw GPF funds until the amount is paid up, the spokesperson said.

The KYKL has also disclosed that its investigations has turned up another 450 fake appointees in the education department.

The KYKL, which made available a list of the teachers concerned, said the many of these 450 teachers had been appointed illegally on adhoc basis in batchs by the concerned directors and commissioners after October 2001 in collusion with fake appointment masterminds. Many of these have got regularisation surreptitiously, a statement issued by the group said.

The statement further stated that though the state government was aware of these fake appointments, it has refrained from taking action against them because the concerned officials and ministers have been bribed not to do so. This was also the reason why though verification of fake appointments was done, the reports of the same were not made public, it said.

The KYKL statement reiterated that the group was determined to wipe out the phenomenon of fake appointments and also to punish teachers who enjoy their salaries without bothering to attend to their duties, in the interest of society and the student community. It warned the fake appointees that drastic action would be taken against them if they do not repent and rescind their steps. It further said if there are any genuine appointees whose names appear on the list, they should approach the KYKL within a month with adequate proof.

The KYKL also made a strong appeal to the general public to stop encouraging the trend of paying bribes to secure government jobs either through direct participation or tacitly by remaining silent. It further said the group considers both bribe-taker and bribe giver guilty.


Violation of reproductive rights; Many women tell their tales of domestic horror
By : A Staff Reporter 9/29/2007 2:09:12 AM

IMPHAL, Sep 28: One of the basic rights of women which is often taken for granted is the reproductive rights. Reproductive right is neither exercised by the women nor is there adequate awareness about it.

Among the different forms of violence women in Manipur faces is the violation of their reproductive right. Even though a woman’s body is the domain where a foetus develops leading to the birth of a baby, she practically has little control over the fate of the baby.

Thirty years old Shalini (name changed on request) said tearfully, “My husband destroyed my life. I couldhave been a mother but he left me in a state where I can’t fulfill my most cherished dream of motherhood.”

Shalini got married to her childhood lover with dreams for a happy married life.

“My dream gradually turn to nightmare. Soon after our wedding my husband left me at our village. He would stay for days at Imphal saying that he is busy with meetings. My happiest moment was when I got pregnant. However my husband showed little interest and did not take me to doctor. My child died soon after delivery.

“My next pregnancy was miscarried. I pleaded my husband that I want to have a child. During my third pregnancy I was told to take bed rest. However my husband left me to do household work and serve my in-laws. Soon I had another miscarriage. Later I learnt that he married another woman at Imphal and had a child too.

“When I asked him for explanation, he threatened me saying ‘what can you do to harm me’. Earlier I used to respect him since he works for many organizations. I have started process for filing a case against him now.”

Married as a minor, 17 years old Renu (name changed on request) was harassed by her in-laws for not bring dowry. She got married in 2007 and got pregnant soon.

Her in-laws and husband started torturing her and by the time she was third month into pregnancy, she and her husband were made to sleep in separate rooms.

Renu said, “During the fifth month of pregnancy, they took me to the Bishnupur CHC saying that I need a health check up. There I was given two injections. After that I was sick, and lost my baby. I overheard them saying that they will tell my parents I got the child Women of Manipur reveal horror stories

aborted willingly. Upon hearing this I confronted them and my husband beat me. Soon I was left at my parental place by my mother-in-law and since then I have been staying there.”

Having lost her baby and left helpless, Renu said that neither was she informed nor her consent taken when she was forcefully made to abort her baby. She said, “Rather they told the doctor that I am mentally imbalanced and that I am immoral and conceived the baby while my husband was away.”

Memmi (name changed on request) was also tortured by her in-laws for not bring any dowry. From the day she conceived, she said her mother-in-law tried different means to get the child aborted so that her son could marry a richer woman.

Memmi said, “My mother-in-law forced a doctor from our neighbourhood to give some medicine to get me aborted.

I was given syrup but I did not take since I suspected her. Later she mixed many herbs in my food and drink. I avoided food served by her. I gave birth to a son.

During my second pregnancy too my husband beat me severely. He brought a second wife. I was not given anything to eat for a week and finally they forced me to go back to my home.”

With her two children in class XII and X, Memmi could not afford to educate them anymore. She filed a case for maintenance from her husband.

Around thirty survivors of violence against women shared their varied experiences at the training hall of CSD today. Sobita Mangsatabam, secretary of Women Action for Development, said, “These women have lived through extraordinary atrocities and rights violation.

The sharing today is possible after they repeatedly requested to arrange a face-to-face interaction with media to personally convey their hardships.”

The forms of violence against women shared by these women are wide ranging. There were cases of physical violence, mental harassment and intolerable humiliations. In some cases sexual exploitation, including incest were reported.

The Sangai Express & The Imphal Free Press

Some ills of the Kuki National movement

By Tintong Thadou Chongthu

Today, the very many parties/groups/organizations in the one great Kuki nation, with diverse ideological backgrounds, have produced undesirable bloodshed within the Kuki nation. Sometimes, I used to wonder if these groups have torn the one great nation into parts and pieces. Could they be playing gutter level politics? The Kukis are a great nation, and their politics should have been great too. Guns are just a piece of metal; it destroys without winning, and finally, fades away. It’s just an illusion of the mind. But it is the 2Ws (‘words’ and ‘wisdom’) that prevails in reality. And if power flows from the barrel of a gun, Hitler and Napoleon would have done better. Least to say, though, Th. Muivah plays a dirty politics against the Kuki nation, he has the required 2W. This 2Ws made the Government of India spent crores of rupees on the hallowed NSCN (IM), and, also became a tight-lipped Government. He has a broad vision- a vision of tomorrow. Now, therefore, the question that arises is ‘where are the Kuki Nationalist leaders today?’ Why don’t we, at least, pursue the footsteps of Muivah (no, not his suppressive politics, but his intelligence), if not Subhash Chandra Bose

A pen is mightier than the sword.

Coming to the domestic issue, needless to say, we the Kukis have enough crisis. The organizations which represent the Kuki nation should’ve cried out for the whole nation. For instances, in the Parbung mass rape case, the landmines issue, the mass abduction issue, and the recent Moreh mayhem (not to be communalized), I don’t understand why only the KNO/KNA had to speak for the nation. The big UPF remained only a mute spectator. Moreover, the KNF warned the student leaders of Delhi of dire consequences, accusing them of behaving at the behest of the KNO/KNA. It seems to me that some organiza-tion(s) are still ignorant of the ills of the nation.

Has the KNO/KNA become the only organization that truly represents the one great Kuki nation? However, I would really appreciate the stance taken by the KNF and other organizations in the recent Hundung incident.

The recent elimination of the 10 KLA cadres by the hallowed IM group at Hundung village has taken everyone by surprised. But, oh no, not me!!! My predictions of the impending disaster were perfectly true. What does one know about the foxy IM­group? How can they become a friend of the one who was once slaughtered by them by the hundreds? (But the recent incident should not be communalized). Haven’t we remember what they did to our Hmar (HPC) brethren? In fact, the HPC had warned the KRA and UKLF of the cunning nature of the IM group. The KRA and the UKLF showed the seed of befriending an enemy so that they could eliminate their own brothers, with no political motives. Is this a national movement? Think again... There is always a way out to solve a crises within the community/nation itself? Today’s misunderstanding is tomorrow’s lost...

I also agree that the recent Hundung incident was not pre-planed by the KRA. Why would they betray their friends to the enemy? It was an independent plan of the IM group. But the blame goes on to the KRA. They invited the IM group in large number to assist the same KLA. They were also seen together at Saichang area. They also conducted a joint operation against their own armed brothers. What could be expected from such a Kuki nationalist leaders who enjoys a special privileges at paradise Hebron (in the devil’s den). Finally, the bloodthirsty devil has quenched their thirst, which they could not achieve once. The recent Hundung incident could have been avoided graciously, had the mother organizations-KNO and KNF, would have intervened since the KLA coups and counter-coups. Some organizations have consciously betrayed the nation to the godfather Muivah.

There could’ve been a few ideological differences between the mother organizations, but if they are a true nations’ army, they could’ve solved peacefully, instead of fire-fights. On the other hand, the KRA is a well-equipped army, but with little political front. Therefore, the group must adopt a more blessed ways. The UKLF is no exception

Whatever happens has happened. Let this be an eye opener and a turning point to the history of the Kuki nation. The Kuki nation had been defeated time and again. Some ills have crippled the national movement of the nation. Willing-to-win leaders must not give themselves to wine and women; sho-uld not greed for power and money. The cadres should respect elders and women should ab-andon the practice of eliminating able leaders; should be pure and be God-fearing people because battles and victories belong to the Lord. I would request the leaders not to report such dirty, funny and loathsome articles in the newspaper, for instance, portfolio distribution, public warnings, portfolio reshuffles, dirty accusations, etc. The Nagas and Meiteis reported of their achievements in the newspaper, which are highly enviable. Recently, James Bond accused the KNO/KNA of a clan-based organization. This is a dirty propaganda. Sometimes, they accused each other of being financed by an MLA, ex -MLA, to win a propaganda war. They are betraying the nation and also demoting it. It’s true that every willing-to-win MLA’s are selected (not elected) by a particular group. It’s also true that some MLA’s went to paradise Hebron, like a humbled donkey, for a red-inked signature. Have our leaders become a puppet to the IM group? Therefore, the amendment of certain wrongs is highly needed. Any armed Kuki is considered the Kuki Nation’s Army. But things are such that they are like fishes fed in a tiny-dirty pond. Anytime they could be caught and roasted alive. They should be very careful with the ‘Suspension of Operation’, for it could mean free bloodshed. It’s extremely hurting that a few illiterate leaders have used the Nation’s army to eliminate a great number of able leaders, the leftover/remains of the NSCN(IM) victims, due to ideological differences, or just to achieve some personal goal. Therefore, today, only a few life-risking leaders have survived. The tactics of defections, factionalism, bloody factional fights, coups and counter coups, etc of any armed Kuki outfits have become a deadly disease to the nation. These, and the national movement, have produced, within the Kuki society, a wide range of widows, prostitutes, orphans, drug addicts, thieves and robbers, etc, thereby, reducing the Kuki population, which is good news to many others. While some mourn over deaths, some rejoice over it, and clasp with the enemy. Such is the nature of the Kukis today. This way the IM group takes so much interest in the Kuki politics. Now the question is, “how on earth would the cunning fox allow the Kukis to unite, proper and live in harmony, when he is hell bent on suppressing our people in every aspect? And, how on earth could he become a friend to some Kuki outfits?

The only solution, therefore available is to severe ties with the foxy friend; forgive and forget the past differences and misunderstandings; come to a round table conference and find an amicable solution within the Kuki nation itself. ‘United we stand divided we fall’

The Sangai Express

Lamka Impression | What else is there to expect?

By Thangkhanlal Ngaihte

As I log onto the Manipur news website on August 29, I came face to face with the following headline stories: ‘Suspended BSEM Jt Secy Nandakumar shot in the leg’ by the proscribed KYKL; ‘Petroleum products run out of stock’ in the State; ‘NH 53 transporters threaten to stop service’, and ‘6 State NGOs come together to form a task group on drugs scarcity in the State’.

On Nandakumar, the KYKL had, as is their wont, called a press meet in which the accused official confessed to his crimes, after which he was shot and left for the police to pick up. Much of the long list of crimes he had allegedly committed seemed verifiable. The KYKL had actually given us the list of people who were fraudulently given jobs at the instance of Nandakumar. He ought to be punished if he is guilty- as should be anyone else- but not in this manner. But, will he ever be found out and punished, had the KYKL not come in?

As for the scarcity of petroleum products, especially petrol and LPG, it is a familiar story. Extortions on the transporters and agents have always been there, and quite a few trucks have already been burnt and drivers harassed. They have long sought security from the State, but that was one other commodity as rare as petroleum products in our State today. In the face of excessive extortion by not just one, but many militant groups, the transporters could not resume service and hence the scarcity.

Well, extortion on petroleum traders may be considered par for the course in Manipur, but life saving drugs? But there it was. The NGO forum, comprising of six organizations, was trying to find a way to get essential drugs into the State somehow. Pharmaceutical companies had not dared to come into the State due to extortions for sometime now. Can we blame them? And what did the State Government do? I was told that the Chief Minister is doing all he can, which is to repeatedly appeal to the companies to come in anyway!!

And oh, there was also NH 53, the State’s second lifeline which is about to be shut down again. But here, the CM and his cohorts can breathe perhaps a little easier. Because, according to the news report, this was not just due to extortion- even though it is the major reason- but also ‘bad road conditions’. By Manipur’s standards, we can’t blame the Government for bad road conditions in the same measure we can blame it for extortions, can we? But, if there is one thing these news headlines– and there were many others in smaller print– on a single day tells us, it is this: the State law and order apparatus has collapsed. completely. And there is one more. Remember August 17 when the Police conducted raids on the Ministerial bungalows at Babupara? In this chaos, many of us may have forgotten it already. Well, on that day, 12 underground militant cadres were arrested from inside the Ministerial quarters of three sitting MLAs and one former MLA. All the MLAs were from the ruling Congress party. Incriminating documents, extortion notes and disassembled parts of a M-16 Rifle and live bullets were also recovered from the same premises.

What these MLAs said in their defence subsequently makes for good leisure reading. One reportedly denied, point blank, that he harbored militants, notwithstanding the overwhelming evidence to the contrary. Another said that he was just trying in his own way to bring back the bailed-out militants into the national mainstream. Didn’t someone in higher authority earlier call them ‘misguided youths’ and not militants, he queried. As for the weapon, one MLA reportedly clarified that since the police had recovered it from a septic tank he shared with some other MLAs, it would be totally unfair to attribute the same only to him!!

But it was the CM who wins hands down, as always. When the Imphal Free Press asked him on August 23 what he will do about it, the honourable Chief Minister who had just returned from Delhi replied that there is an ‘investigation’ on, and that it is unfair for him to comment. He did mumbled something to the effect that they, the people’s representatives, should not ‘repeat’ such practices (of giving residence to outlawed militants) in the future!! As far as I know, no action whatsoever has been taken against the MLAs till date. Where do the blame for the mess rest? On February 4, just before assembly elections, I made an impassioned plea in these columns to the people to vote the Congress Government out. On February 18, I wrote again that we just cannot afford another five years with the present Government (The articles are still available at This Government had been around since 2002 and we all know what its record was. So, there is no use pretending that we don’t know they will be like this when we re-elect them to power.

So, when we did vote in February, we did so with our eyes open. And we voted the Congress Government back to power. So, my simple question today is: Why grumble? What else do we expect from this Government when we voted them back in the first place? Who else is there to blame? And to think that there is more than four years still to go.......

The Sangai Express Lamka Impression

Lucky strikes by 20-20 Cal young guns

By Donn Morgan Kipgen

Cricket is a game of glorious uncertainties and a gentleman-game played by very intimidating players. In one-day limited overs cricket, especially the new 20 overs format, nothing can be said until the last bowl has been bowled. Unlike in football, hockey, tennis, rugby etc one just cannot predict the outcome of a cricket match.

One can bet in favour of Italian, Brazilian or French teams playing aga-inst Macedonia, Bosnia, Panama etc in competitive football matches, but in cricket, you just cannot do that with full confidence. In One-day International (ODI) cricket, there is no such thing as ‘upsets’ nor ‘lucky wins’ and this is the natural excitement and the appealing wonder of cricket. Every aspect of human character and psychology can be seen on field in nerve-wrecking one-day game of cricket. So important is the game of cricket, especially the ODIs, it is the only genuine and permanent factor which unites the whole of India in times of triumph and set-backs. During the bloody 1999 Kargil war, there was an unofficial ceasefire when India played majestically against Pakistan! In fact, all the long range artillery (155 mm Bofors) and heavy mortar rounds were actually fired off by both the warring sides in the LOC areas to celebrate 4 or 6 runs, fall of wickets, and also in 2003 World Cup match against Pakistan.

When on the morning of 25th Sep 2007 team India Captain ‘Lucky’ Dhoni won the decisive toss at the ‘even pitch’ of the Wanderers, he must have recalled the blunder made by India against Australia in 2003 final match.

History repeats itself in favour of young ‘20-20 calibre’ Team India this time around by out-leaping the Kangaroos by ‘Lucky’ Dhoni’s high-flying ‘death or glory’ boys to catch the final bus to the wonderful Wanderers, thanks to the outrageous 30-ball 70 runs knock of Yuvraj Singh.

To be a lucky winning Captain, one has to have an experienced and highly talented players. And to be a methodical and tactically successful Captain, he must have to have atleast 3 experienced strike bowlers and 3 or more top class batsmen and a genuine all-rounder. Bowlers hunt in pairs and batsmen notched big total runs with regular partnerships. A wicket-taking strike bowler called upon by a tactically sound Captain to break partnerships or dismissed dangerous top order batsman, naturally needs brilliant and very good fielders to take outstanding catches. Champion fielders have to stop the flow of the runs to frustrate even a well-set star batsman: a needless run out or reckless shots (to be caught or bowled) is a perfect example of a well-balanced team work. With the absence of the top 3 batsmen and two strike bowlers, MS Dhoni, with just 5 senior players out of 14 players, did exceptionally well to guide home the young and inexperienced but highly talented team India to 20-20 World Cup beyond one’s wildest expectation. His cool fielding placements at the right time at the right place along with superb rotation of his strike bowlers were truly amazing and highly exceptional. M.S Doni has multiple alternative game plans for each particular situation and gave full moral and mental supports to his players, especially the young guns. His handling of Indian strike bowlers and giving them attacking fielding positions against the Pakistani middle order batsmen in the Final and that of mighty Australians in the Semi-Final match was quite brilliant. His cool, calculated and brotherly attitude as a first time Captain in the first 20-20 World Cup tournament, even though he has never captained his own State Jharkand team nor junior Indian team before, was professionally astounding. In that thrilling final ‘shoot-out’ of equally deadly young guns, Dhoni did a (Erwin) Rommel to stunning effects by introducing Irfan Pathan and RP Singh, two of his most successful wicket-taking bowlers to bowl out their last over each before the 16th over instead of keeping them for the last two overs as would be done by other captains. With two dangerous Pakistani regular batsmen well-set at the crease, to be followed by a hard-hitting all-rounder and an useful batsman, Dhoni knew the only way to defeat the Pakistanis was to bowl them all out, otherwise, only 10-12 runs would be needed in the last two overs with 3 or 4 Pakistani wickets in hand. Pathan and RP Singh responded with one decisive wicket each with most economical overs. Later on, he introduced his last remaining trump-card in Sreesanth much early on who also duly responded with a tactically decisive wicket to leave the Pakistani with just one wicket in the last over needing 13 runs to win. Misbah-ul-Haq was psychologically put under tremendous pressure and his inexperienced showed when he tried to finish off the match instead of waiting for a loose ball in 4 balls to be bowled by nervous and equally inexperienced medium pacer in Joginder Singh. The proud Misbah did not trust the no. 11 batsman to face any ball in a situation where 3 single and a 2 run would win the match. However, the audacious challenge presented by Dhoni in bringing up the fine leg fielder to an unorthodox position between leg-slip and short fine leg to leave an invitingly open leg-side field paid off promptly as planned so specifically. The rest is history.

The total absence of the top old guns was a blessing in disguise for India since new and young batsmen displayed their aggressive and explosive talents without any fear of being replaced by senior players if they fail to score decisive runs at good strike rates. They did not have to impress the captain and manager for a berth in the next one or two matches with over-cautious accumulation of runs at low strike rates. With a new refreshing Captain new players like R Sharma Yusuf Pathan and R Uthappa and non-regulars like Gambhir, Karthik etc played their games with full confidence. However, it was an excellent team work with stellar roles provided by Yuvraj Singh, Irfan Pathan, Sharma, Dhoni and Harbhajan Singh in decisive matches which fetched them the most deserving inaugural T-20 World Cup 2007.

The main highlights of the tournament were the 6 sixes in an over by Yuvraj Singh against Stuart Broad of England and a hattrick by Brett Lee. Whereas Herschel Gibbs holds the 6 sixes record in 50 overs ODI, only two other batsmen had hit 6 sixes in an over in first-class cricket match. The first being Sir Garfield Sobers against Malcolm Nash of Glamorgan in a County match and the other being Ravi Shastri against Tilak Raj of Baroda in a Ranji Trophy match.

Well, all these rare feats would be hard to be achieved in future games, as hard as winning Twenty-20 World Cup by a half-strength and new look Indian team led by a first time Captain.

The Sangai Express

The Acquirable Vision of Golden Age in India under the Right to Information Act, 2005

By : Prof. Akham Biradhaja Singh/IFP

The Right to Information Act, 2005 of the Parliament which received assent of the President, Republic of India on 15-6-2005 and published in the Gazette of India, Extraordinary Part-II, Section 1 on 21-6-2005 and republished in the Manipur Gazette for information of the general public on 12-7-2005 is an Act to provide a practical regime of right to information for citizens to secure access to information under the control of public authorities, in order to promote transparency and accountability in the working of every public authority, the constitution of a Central Information Commission and State Information Commissions and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.

As the Parliament of India real realized the corrupt, dishonest, secret and wrong/illegal practices exercised by the public servants and government servants of the public authorities from the manifestation of wealth and property amassed disproportionately with incomes by servants/employees under the veil and pretext of the Official Secrets Act, 1923, which was framed and used by the British-India Regime in India, which was also continued and followed after independence of India, the Parliament of India framed the Freedom of information Act, 2002 (No. 5 of 2003) for the first time and framed the Right to Information Act, 2005 (No. 22 of 2005) in the second generation to repeal the Freedom of Information Act, 2002.

The illegal practices of the public authorities did enhance the gaps of incomes of the difference of the amounts of income of the salary class employees of the organised sector and non-salary class of workers of the unorganized sector in India beyond the reasonable ranges of incomes earned legally by them. Further, the illegal practices did create the phenomena of insurgency, separatism, sovereigntism, naxalism, extremism and terrorism etc. In India.

The inherent true spirit of the Right to Information Act, 2005 is to acknowledge, disseminate, discover, investigate, inquire, search, research, remedy and report for remedy the corrupt dishonest and wrong/illegal practices exercised by the public servants and government servants of public authorities in their services with the seeking/obtaining and correcting of information/documents from the public authorities by the concerned/interested citizens for the goal of achievement of good/excellent governance in the democratic norm of administration in India.

The exercise of this Act can cover all the informations/documents of schemes and programmes available in the public authorities/Govt. departments of Central Government and State Governments except exempted ones as provided for by section 24 of this Act.

The exercise of the present provisions of this Act by about 5 percent of the population of India should reduce to about 80 percent the present trend of corrupt, dirty, dishonest and illegal services of the public servants and government servants of the public authorities in the administration in India and should also enable bringing in a clean, transparent, efficient, excellent governance in India by or before 2015 A.D.

The exercise of this Act with other Acts by the individuals and public-spirited persons can uncover the disproportionate incomes amassed dishonestly, illegally and wrongly in terms of lakhs of crore rupees by the public servants and government servants during their services periods of the public authorities in India.

The exercise of this Act is a motivation of an approach towards scientific socialism in India. For achieving the goal of scientific socialism in India, the public authorities should strive to conduct, organize and sponsors literacy and awareness campaigns and programmes of the Right to Information Act, 2005 all over India. Because the present trend of seeking and obtaining of information/documents under the Right to Information Act.2005 may compared as the warlike fight, which may be assumed as the 2nd Mahabharat/Khurushetra war of Mahabharat in the myth of Hinduism, of the public/public-spirited persons on one side versus public servants & government servants on opposite side.

It may be assumed that there are 29 major battle fields (Information Comissions) in India for the warlike fight of seeking and obtaining of information/documents by the citizens from the public authorities. The warlike fight for information/documents in between the public/public-spirited persons and the public authorities may be finished in the year 2015 A.D. by achieving classless society means povertyless society in terms of generation of incomes i.e. adequate means to livelihood to alleviate/remedy poverty in India.

The exercise of this Act shall destroy 100% i.e. all forms of corruption in India when this Act is extended to cover to all political parties and non-governmental organizations and the exercise of this Act by the citizens/public i.e-spirited persons be reached/achieved by at least 5 percent of the population in India. This Act may be assumed as an instrument of 10th incarnation i.e. KALKI of Load Vishnu as predicted in the epic/myth of Hinduism for destroying all forms of corruption in KALIYUG in India. It is hoped that the exercise of this Act shall bring peace, prosperity and golden age (Satya Yug) in India in the near future while this Act is the road map. Hence past and present corrupt, dishonest, selfish, wise persons/evildoers including President, Prime Minister shall make later accused, convicted, foolish and sentenced persons to jail. As the truth defeats the untruth, honesty is the best forever in our human society.

The following are a few selected excellent important and substantiative provisions of the Right to Information Act, 2005 for the citizens:-

Definitions of this Act.

a) “appropriate Government” means in relation to a public authority which is established, constituted, owned, controlled or substantially financed by funds provided directly or indirectly-

i) by the Central Government or the Union territory administration, the Central Government.
ii) by the State Government, the State Government.

b) “Central Information Commission” means the Central Information Commission constituted under Subsection (1) of section 12;

c) “Central Public Information Officer” means the Central Public Information Officer designated under subsection (1) and includes a Central Assistant Public Information Officer designated as such under subsection (2) of section 5;

d) “Chief Information Commission” and “Information Commissioner” mean the Chief Information Commissioner and Information Commission appointed under subsection (3) of section 12;

e) “Competent authority” means-

i) the Speaker in the case of the House of the People or the Legislative Assembly of a State or a Union territory having such Assembly and the Chairman in the case of the Council of States or Legislative Council of a State;
ii) the Chief Justice of India in the case of the Supreme Court;
iii) the Chief Justice of the High Court in the case of a High court;
iv) the President or the Governor, as the case may be, in the case of other authorities established or constituted by or under the Constitution;
v) the administrator appointed under article 239 of the Constitution;

f) “information” means any material in any form, including records, documents, memos, e-mails, opinions, advice press releases, circular, others, logbooks, contracts, reports, papers, samples, models, data material held in any electronic form and information relating to any private body which can be accessed by a public authority under any other law for the time being in force;

g) “prescribed” means prescribed by rules made under this Act by the appropriate Government or the competent authority, as the case may be;

h) “public authority” means any authority or body or institution of self-government established or constituted-

a) by or under the Constitution;
c) by any other law made by Parliament;
c) by any other law made by State Legislature;
d) by notification issued or order made by the appropriate Government, and includes any-

i) body owned, controlled or substantially financed;
ii) non-government organisation substantially financed directly or indirectly by funds provided by the appropriate government;

i) “record” includes-

a) any document, manuscript and files;
b) any microfilm, microfiche and facsimile copy of a document;
c) any reproduction of image or images embodied in such microfilm whether enlarged or not; and
d) any other material produced by a computer or any other device;
j) “right to information” means the right to information accessible under this Act which is held by or under the control of any public authority and includes the right to-
i) inspection of work, documents, records;
ii) taking notes, extracts or certified copies of documents or records;
iii) taking certified samples of materials;
iv) obtaining information in the form of diskettes, floppies, tapes, video, cassettes or in any other electronic mode or through prinouts where such information is stored in a computer or in any other device;

k) “State Information commission” means the State Information Commission constituted under subsection (1) of section 15;

l) “State Chief Information Commissioner” and “State Information Commissioner” mean the State Chief Information Commissioner and the State Information Commissioner appointed under subsection (3) of section 15;

m) “State Pubic Information Officer” means the State Public Information Officer designated under subsection (1) and includes a State Assistant Public Information Officer designated as such under section (2) of section 5;

n) “Third party” means a person other than the citizen making a request for information and includes a public authority.

Preparation of application

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (1) of section 6 of the Right to Information Act, 2005, a citizen/persons, who desires to obtain any information under this Act, shall make a request in writing or through electronic means in English or Hindi or in the official language of the area in which the application is being made, accompanying such fee as may be prescribed by the Right to Information (Regulation of Fee and Cost) Rules, 2005, for the public authority of the state of Manipur; for example, a request for obtaining information under subsection (1) of section 6 shall be accompanied by an application fee of Rs. 10/- (rupees ten) by prescribed under rule 3 of the Manipur Right to Information Regulation of Fee and Cost) Rules, 2005 by way of cash against proper receipt or by demand draft or bankers cheque payable to the Account Officer of the Public Authority, too-

a) the Central Public Information Officer, as the case may be, of the concerned public authority;
b) the Central Assistant Pubic Information Officer or State Assistant Public Information Officer, as the case may be,

Specifying the particulars of the information sought by him or her;

Provided that where such request cannot be made in writing the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall render all reasonable assistance to the persons making the request orally to reduce the same in writing.

By virtue of the provision of subsection (2) of section 6 of the Right to Information Act, 2005, an application making request for information shall not be required to give any reason for requesting the information or any other personal details except those that may be necessary for contacting him.

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (3) of section 6 of this Act, where an application is made to a public authority requesting for an information-

i) which is held by another public authority; or
ii) the subject matter of which is more closely connected with the functions of another public authority, the public authority, to which such application is made, shall transfer the application or such part of it as may be appropriate to that other public authority and inform the applicant about such transfer;

Provided that the transfer of an application pursuant to this subsection shall be made as soon as practicable but in no case later than five days from the date of receipt of the application.

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (1) of section 7 of this Act, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, on receipt of a request under section 6 shall, as expeditiously as possible, and in any case within thirty days of the receipt of the request either provide the information on payment of such fee as may be prescribed, for example, in the State of Manipur, under Rule 4 of the Manipur Right to Information (Regulation of Fee and Cost) Rules, 2005 that for providing information under subsection (1) of section 7, the fee shall be charged by way of cash against proper receipt or by demand draft or bankers cheque payable to the Accounts Officer of the Public authority at the following rates:-

a) Rupees two for each page (in A-4 or A-3 size paper) created of copied;
b) actual charge or cost price of a copy in large size paper;
c) actual cost or price for samples or models, and
d) for inspection of records, no fee for the first hour; and a fee of rupees five for each fifteen minutes (or fraction thereof) thereafter.
or reject the request for any of the reasons specified in sections 8 and 9; read as follows:-

Exemption from disclosure of Information

Quoth Section-8. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, there shall be no obligation to give any citizen-

a) information, disclosure of which would prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence;

b) information which has been expressly forbidden to be published by any court of law or tribunal or the disclosure of which may constitute contempt of court;

c) information, the disclosure of which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament or the State Legislature;

d) information including commercial confidence, trade secrets or intellectual property, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party, unless the competent authority is satisfied that larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;

d) information including commercial confidence, trade secrets or intellectual property, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party, unless the competent authority is satisfied that larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;

e) information available to person in his fiduciary relationship, unless the competent authority is satisfied that the large public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;

f) information received in confidence from foreign Government;

g) information, the disclosure of which would endanger the life or physical safety of any person or identify the source of information or assistance given in confidence for law enforcement or security purposes;

h) information which would impede the process of investigation or apprehension or prosecution of offenders;

i) cabinet papers including records of deliberations of the Council of Ministers, Secretaries and other officers;

Provided that the decisions of Council of Ministers, the reasons thereof, and the material on the basis of which the decisions were taken shall be made public after the decision has been taken and the matter is compete, or over:

Provided further that those matters which come under the exemptions specified in this section shall not be disclosed;

j) information which relates to personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, or which would cause unwarranted invasion of the privacy of the individual unless the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer or the appellate authority as the case may be is satisfied that the larger public interest justifies the disclosure of such information;

Provided that the information, which cannot be denied to the Parliament or a State Legislature shall not be denied to any person.

2) Not with standing anything in the Official secrets Act, 1923 nor any of the exemptions permissible in accordance with subsection (1) a public authority may allow access to information, if public interest in disclosure out weighs the harm to the protected interests

3) Subject to the provision of clauses (a), (c) and (i) of subsection (1) any information relating to any occurrence, event or matter which has taken place, occurred or happened twenty years before the date on which any request is made under section 6 shall be provided to any person making a request under the section;

Provided that where any question arises as to the date from which the said period of twenty years has to be computed, the decision of the Central Government shall be final, subject to the usual appeals provided for in this Act.

Grounds for rejection to access in certain cases;

Section 9, without prejudice to the provisions of section 8, a Central Public Information Officer or a State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, may reject a request of the information where such a request for providing access would involve an infringement of copyright subsisting in a person other than the State Unquoth.

Preparation of Complaint

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (1) of section 18 of the Right to Information Act, 2005, a complaint may be filed to the Central Information Commission or State Information Commission, as the case may be, by a complainant/person- (a) who has been unable to submit a request to a Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, either by reason that no such officer has been appointed under the Act, or because the Central Assistant Public Information Officer or State Assistant Public Information Officer, as the case may be, has refused to accept his or her application for information or appeal under this Act for forwarding the same to the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer or Senior Officer who is senior in rank to the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, in each public authority (specified in subsection (1) of section 19) or the Central Information Commission or State Information Commission, as the case may be;

a) who has been refused access to any information requested under this Act;

b) who has not been given a response to a request for information or access to information within the time limit specified under this Act;

c) who has been required to pay an amount of fee which he or she considers unreasonable.

d) who believes that he or she has been given incomplete, misleading or false information under this Act; and

f) in respect of any other matter relating to requesting or obtaining access to records under this Act.

Preparation of First Appeal

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (1) of section 19 of the Right to Information Act, 2005, a first appeal may be filed to such officer who is senior in rank to the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, in each public authority, by an appellant/any person who, does not receive a decision within the time specified in subsection (1) (thirty days or clause (a) of subsection (3) of section 76 to be calculated in a such manner that the period intervening between the despatch of the intimation to the applicant/person from the public authority and payment of fees/costs for providing information by the applicant/person to the public authority shall be excluded for the purpose of calculating the period of 30 days or is aggrieved by a decision of the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, within 30 days from the expiry of such period or from the receipt of such a decision.

Provided that such officer may admit the appeal after the expiry of the period of thirty days if he or she is satisfied that the appellant was prevented by sufficient cause from filling the appeal in time.

Preparation of Second Appeal.

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (3) of section 19 of the Right to Information Act, 2005, a Second appeal may be filed to the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission by an appellant/any person against the decision under subsection (1) of the 1st appellate authority/such officer who is senior in rank to the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer as the case may be, in each public authority, within ninety days from the date on which the decision should have been made or was actually received.

Provided that the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission, as the case may be, may admit the appeal after the expiry of the period of ninety days if it is satisfied that the appellant was prevented by sufficient cause from filing the appeal in time.

By virtue of the provisions of subsection (B) of section 19 of the Act, in its decision, the Central Information Commission or State Information Commission, as the case may be, has the power to-

a) require the public authority to take any such steps as may be necessary to secure compliance with the provisions of this Act, including-

i) by providing access to information, if so requested, in a particular form:
ii) by appointing a Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be;
iii) by publishing certain information or categories of information;
iv) by making necessary changes to its practices in relation to the maintenance, management and destruction of records;
v) by enhancing the provision of training on the right to information for its officials;
vi) by providing it with an annual report in compliance with clause (b) of subsection (1) of section 4;

b) require the public authority to compensate the complaint for any loss or other detriment suffered;

c) impose any of the penalties provided under this Act;

d) reject the application.

By virtue of the provision of subsection (9) of section 19 of this Act, the Central Information Commission or State Information Commission, as the case may be, shall give notice of the decision, including an right of appeal, to the complainant and the public authority.

By virtue of the provision of subsection (10) of section 19 of this Act, the Central Information Commission, as the case may be, shall decide the appeal in accordance with such procedure as may be prescribed.

Imposition of Penalties.

By virtue of the provision of subsection (1) of section 20 of this Act, where the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission, as the case may be, at the time of deciding any complaint or appeal is of the opinion that the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, has, without any reasonable cause, refused to receive an application for information or has not furnished information within the time specified under subsection (1) of section 7(thirty days) or malafidely denied the request for information or knowingly given incorrect, incomplete or misleading information or destroyed information which was the subject of the request or obstructed in ay manner in furnishing the information, it shall impose a penalty of two hundred and fifty rupees each day till application is received or information is furnished, so however, the total amount of such penalty shall not exceed twenty five thousand rupees, which is to be created on the basis of non-furnishing of information in time without reasonable cause by the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, which is to be received by the applicant/appellant in addition to the information furnished as a fine for delivery of unreasonable delay of information to the aggrieved applicant/appellant by the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer in place of obligation of in time delivery of information to the applicant.

Provided that the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall be given a reasonable opportunity of being heard before any penalty is imposed on him.

Provided further that the burden of proving that he acted reasonably and diligently shall be on the Central public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, as the case may be.

By virtue of the provision of subsection (2) of section 20 of this Act, where the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission, as the case may be, at the time of deciding any complaint or appeal is of the opinion that the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, has, without any reasonable cause and peristently, failed to receive an application for information or has not furnished information within the time specified under subsection (1) of section 7 or malafidely denied the request for information or knowingly given incorrect, incomplete or misleading information or destroyed information which was the subject of the request or obstructed in any manner in furnishing the information, it shall recommend for disciplinery action against the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, under the service rule applicable to him.

This Act to have overriding effect

By virtue of provisions of section 22 of this Act shall have effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent therewith contained in the Official Secrets Act, 1923, and any other law for the time being in force or any instrument having effect by virtue of any other that this Act.

Exemption from disclosure of Information of

Organisations of Central Government & Govt. of Manipur

By virtue of provisions of subsection (1) of section 24 of this Act.

a) the following are the exempted organisations/public authorities of the Central Government in the Second schedule of the Right to Information Act, 2005:-

Intelligence and Security Organisation established by the Central Government:

1. Intelligence Bureau.
2. Research and Analysis wing of the Cabinet Secretariat.
3. Directorate of Revenue Intelligence.
4. Central Economic Intelligence Bureau.
5. Directorate of Enforcement.
6. Narcotics Control Bureau.
7. Aviation Research Centre.
8. Special Frontier Force.
9. Border Security Force.
10. Central Research Police Force.
11. Indo-Tibetan Border Police.
12. Central Industrial Security Force.
13. National Security Guards.
14. Assam Rifles.
15. Special Service a Bureau.
16. Special Branch(CID), Andaman and Nicobar.
17. The Crime Branch C.I.D.CB, Dadra and Nagar Haveli.
18. Special Branch, Lakshadweep Police.
Provided that the information pertaining to the allegation of corruption and human rights violation shall not be excluded in the exemption of the organisations/public authority;

b) the following are the exempted public authorities/organisations of the Government of Manipur; under the provision of subsection (4) of section 24 of the Right to information Act, 2005 (No. 22 of 2005) with effect from 15-10-2005:-
1) The Manipur Police Department comprising of-
i) Civil Police
ii) Manipur Police wireless,
iii) Manipur Rifles
iv) India Reserve Battalions
v) Intelligence Wings(Special Branch & Crime Branch of CID)
vi) Forensic Science Laboratory.
2) Jail Department, and
3) State Vigilance Commission and its subordinate offices

Provided that the information pertaining to the allegations of corruption and human right violations shall not be excluded in the exemption of the organisations/public authorities of the Government of Manipur.

Repeal: The Freedom of Information Act, 2002.

By virtue of provision of section 31 of this Act, the Freedom of Information Act, 2002 is hereby repealed (No. 5 of 2003).

The Imphal Free Press

Friday, September 28, 2007


- Zokhual

Jesu pian apan simtoh, kum sangkhat zakua sawmguk beikuan lam hita a, sangkhat zakua sawmsagih tung nai kei mahleh, a gal apan muhtheih chiichiai in awm a,sangkhat zakua sawmsagih chiang a khawvel pai ding dan thil awm lelte a pat suangtuah theihta hi. Huaihunlai in, Zogam politics ah hunbi khat bei in, hunbi thak khat hawng kipan lel hi. ‘Gou’ masa ‘Khet’ khiakin awm a, tumlam kawlmawngah tum hiaihiai a muhtheihin awm a! Suahlam apanin “Gou” thak khat hawngsuakto ‘Ging’ zakin awm hi!

Huchih hunlai in, America President Lyndon Baines Johnson (LBJ) in hun haksatak masuan lel a, America khawpite ah mipi lungkimloten buaina nasatak a bawlin, ‘Urban riot’ achihmai un gam sung zel suak hi. Huchihnaklai in, America sepaihte kha khat a sangkhat sang a tawm zawlo Vietnam apan polythine-bag a tuunsa in agam uah puaklut in awm uhi. America University leh khawpite ah ‘Bring back our boys” chih thawm zak ding awm den hi.

Alehlam ah, Appollo Program lawhching takin paito zel a, Uncle Sam in Khapi a Vaphual mul alu a tawt theitakpi dingin kilangta hi. Richard Milhous Nixon in ‘national reconciliation’ thupi a zang a president hihna hawn tuhin, January 1969 in 37th president of America hi dingin White House ah a Kawlzaal khaita hi. Guite road ah zawng Lungthul tan Jeep tailut theita a. Tangthu kam akigen sawn khatin a gen danin, Appollo 7 in October 1968 a khawvel pumpi ni 11 sung vingveng a kimvel lai in, American Astronaut ten Pu Ngaihte Sap, Guite Road lamlian dim lulu a Willy Jeep a pailai a liim la uh hi, chi hi. “A dik mah hi” chite leh “Um khang e” chitu ten pansan ding nei veve uhi.

Huai hunlai in, kei zokhual in zawng Paite pau simthei panta inga, Bible thumvei ka simsuak a- huai hunlai in Paite Bible ah Genesis, Exodus, Sam leh Thukhunthak kia awmlai hi. Huai khitin, “Bible Tangthu” Rev G.Khamkam G.Th bawl leh nidang a Convention School a pawl giatte sinlaibu dia Vung D.Tawmbing bawl laibu khat “ Khovel Khangthu’ chih leng ka simsuak hi. Rev. G.Khamkam bawl “Lungsim Damdoi” chihin zingkal khat sungsim zawng daihlo a, SSPP Magazine lah kumkhat a khat vei kia suak a.Tuateng ka simkhit chiangin, ka khua uah laibu sim ding dang awm nawnlo hi.

Appollo 7 pen khawvel kimvelin leng mahleh, December 21 a NASA ten akap khiak uh Appollo 8 in Khapi a mihing pua Appollo 11 tuk/landing theihna ding mun zawngin, Khapi a muntuam tuam Tranquillititis, Liebnitz Mountains leh Lake of Dreams, Sea of Serenity tungahte leng kual leng kualin, chiang zaw sem a etkai dingin Khapi a mun tuamtuamte liim la hi.

Himahleh keipen, Khapi genloh Guite kual a zawng khualzin ngeilo pa, Zogam ah laibu sim ding neiloin chiimtakin ka awm hi. Huchia chiimtak leh mangbang taka hiai khawvel a ka hun leh nite ka zat laiin, vangphat huaitakin bemkawm apan Exercise Book No 5 dim a khut akigelh ‘Paite Love Song’ kichi Labu khat ka maikhia hi. Tua Labu sim in milun Nokzathang, Khoikhandai, Gouzagin leh midangdangte khawvel ah lungsim suangtuahna in ka zin hi.

Huai Labu ka sim na apatin hiai anuai a La khat ka lungsimin chiamteh kiukiau hi:

Hon it hawn ngai na awm uh leh
Ka ban tangin hawng kai khia un,
Meipam lupna ka chimtaak lua,
Puanpi nuai a phei li gawm ka ut.

Hiai atunga La, kua phuah hi hiam chih zawn khiakbut hi nawnlo hi. Khat vei etna in La hochik bang mahleh, athutun in mi lung-ngai theite lung tangvut hi. A ngaih tuah vengveng chiang un, hiai La in Zomite culture, tradition, psychology, mating behavour leh khawtang hinkhua La vual li sungah khumin, gen- gai hi chi uhi. A nuaia bangin suichianna neita le hang:

Hon it hon ngai na awm uh leh: Mihing a piang khempeuh a dingin, itna pawimawhin, gawlpen hi. Itna ziakin, ‘egg’ leh ‘sperm’ kikawi in-sem khawm ua, huai thil nihte apanin mihing-hinna nei, Pathian kibat pih a bawl hawng keuh khia a. Itna ziak mahin, Nu gilsungah kha kua paai in awm a, Nu neek-leh-dawn, nute kipahna leh lung-gimna te’n tua mihing hawng kisiam tungah nnasem kia hilo in, nute sisan takngial leng kikawp-pih uh hi.

Tua itna apan hawng kibawla, hawngpiang khia, it takleh duat taka, itna puan a tuamin awma. Nu itna tuisika, a aang apan hawng luangkhia- Nu nawitui kichi a chawm a hawng awmin, hawngkhang lianto hi.

Mihingte sapum tangtawn daih ding a bawl hiloa, chikni chiang hiama, pawnlak lopa banga vula, vuai nawn dinga siam hi a. Siamtu in mihing masate kianga “ Hong pung unla, lei luah dim un” achih dungzui in, mihingte taksa a cellte ah cell thak siam utna guang(embedded) a. Huai Siamtu lemgelna sem suah dingin, a nu khat leh a pa khat kiphamawh hi.

Hi e, mihing hinkhua ah hunbi bang zah hiam awma. Huai hunbite atuam dungzui in, hunbi tuamtuamte kituah pih ding itna- tup leh kawk tuamnei hawng piangto zel hi. Hiai La phuaktuin “Hon it hon ngai na om uh leh” achihin, ittu ding Nu leh Pa hiam, sungkhat laina hiam neilo chihna hi zenzen loa. Himahleh, Siamtu lemgel hih piching dingin ahunbi kimta a, itna thak nidanga akiphatmawh ngeiloh, itna chikhat kiphamawhin, lungleenna in hawng dima, ittu ding leh ngainatu lung-gulhin “Hon it hon ngai na om uh hiam” chiin khawvel zak dingin La sain akam hawn ka khia hi.

Ka ban tangin hong kai khia un: Mangkangten ‘Pop the question’ chi ua. Khenkhatte adingin awlsam ahi dinga, sak leh khangah 15 minutes sunga zatmang ding ‘yes’ kai khawm uhi. Khenkhatte adingin awl samlo hial hi.

Mihingten sep leh bawl, gen leh sak I neih chiangin amasa in I khuakah hawng kipana. ‘Pop the question’ dingin zawng khuakah hawng kipan hi. Khuakin, akisaipih ‘nerve’ te kiangah a question pop dingin command pia a, huai ‘nerve’ systemten a question pen ‘aw’ –a- ging -a theihtheih dinga hawng gin khiakna dingin ‘vocal chord’ tingtang tumin hawn tum(activate) uh hi.
Na computer memory in azawhloh ding file na thun leh na computer crash dinga, na electrical cable 5Am zo dinga bawl cable a, 15Am na paisak leh na cable kangse ding hi. Tuachimah bangin, chihtak luatna in na ‘nerve system’ te overload in, na ‘vocal chord’ kiangah command zuihtheih ding petheilo thei in, a question na pop pen ging khe theilo in awm thei hi.( Tua chibangte a dingin, English poet minthang tak John Milton in ‘Paradise Lost’ poetry hoihtak phuah sak hi!)

Hiai La phuaktu in “Ka ban tangin hong kai khia un” achih pen poetic license hi a, a ittu leh ngaitu in aban a va leen a, va kaikhe tantan ding chihna zawng hikhawllo hi. “Tha hong pia inla, mi lakah zawng na mitmei in hong hantohin”, chihna zawng hi thei hi. Tualo ah, “Kei khelkhellou, nang zawng tua question hong pop mai ve, ma te”, chihna zawng hithei hi.Huaiziakin, nungakte theih dinga hoih khat bel, ‘pop the question’ pen tangvalte mawhpuakna biik a kawih loh ding hi.

Meipam lupna ka chimtaak lua: Hiai apanin Laphuaktu unau laka pasal upapen ahi chih kithei hi. Aziaktuh, nidanglai deuhin meikiang/meipam ah lupna nih awma. Meikiang apan a khanglam nga a I tut chianga veilam pang inteekte/inn sung a papen te lupna hi a, ataklam pangpen unaulak a Pasal upapen lupna dinga, upapen ‘birthright’ hi a. Meipam lupna alup chihin duatpen leh goluahtu ding hihna ensak hi.Meipam lupna a ilup chiangin, khualum a, phalbi thuak nuam a. Huanah, thuk a mei-am pimpemten lungsim ah zankhawmial in leng tangkhat lohna, lungmuanna hawnpia a, neitu lungsim hawn guan hi.

Eden Huan nawp dan ginlelh vual hilo hi. Himahleh, tangkhat Adam adingin, Eden Huan nawpnaten lungleen kai tho ua, huai lui sagih kilawmtak Eden Huan chawmtute leh Eden pallunten a lungzuan na ding Leikha in Phulun pawtna ding a keih vang bangin kei vang lel uhi. Huai lui a Ngavawk nupa paihelhel ten, bukimlo ahihlam phawk khesak ua, huai sing-gahte bangchi tukin neekin lim tawk mahleh mahni kia a neekin alim ding bangin limsak lo a, anawp ding bangin zawng nuam zolohi. Huaiziakin, Adam amah kia a awm hoihlo hi.

Huchimah bangin, meipam lupna nuam tawk mahleh leng, hiai La phuaktu kum bangzah hiam hawng chin chiangin, a lungsim sungah a ‘awng’ khat –ahudimtu ding Siamtu in atuam vilvela abawl lohngal in a hukdim theihloh ‘awng’ hawng awm in; meipam lupna a-khuplup leh thal-lup kibang a mahni kia a lupdet chimtaak hun hawng tung hi. Huaiziakin, hiai La phuaktu in “Meipan lupna” achimtaak thu La-a-sa a, ahawng kiko khiak chiangin mawhsak huailo hi. Hiai La phuaktu in mihing a piang khempeuhin a zuih ngeingei ding ua kidawh ‘hinkhua Lei’ tawn kha hi ichi lo thei kei hi.

Puanpi nuai a phei li gawm ka ut: Zomite khawsakna ah Puanpi in mun pawimawh tak luah a. Nidanglai in, kiten chiangin numeilam in Puanpi keng sek uhi. Puanpi tello in kitenna awmlo chi le hang kam uang kihilo ding hi.

Puanpi: Puanpi gat thil awlsam hilo a, a tah leng khut khauh deuhlo in tah zawh maimai zawng hilo hi.Pat tampi tak neih ngai a, huai Patte pat hekna khawl zopa bol–‘Helhlot’ kichi ah apat tangte lakkhiakna dingin hek phot uhi.Pat heksate pat kapna in kap ua, kap zawh chianga mui a khekin huai Pat tuh khau hong suak a. Huai patkhaute, ato nadingin leh amul awmloh na’ngin anntang tawh kihuan khawm hi. Huaite nisa ah a pho na ding kibawlin kipho keu a, khauhiatna in kihiat mam hi. Huai pat khaute a hawng keu chiangin alum in kizial a, tangvalten nungak ahelkawn un, nungakte khau zialsak zel uhi.

Huai khau ziallum ping pengte Puanpi dingin ‘siam bang’ kichi a, hong kibangin ‘siam’lianpi hong suak hi. Inn sungah talo ahih chiangin, innkawng khawng mun lem ah Puanpi ding kibaang in kigan sek hi. Atangpi in, buhlak zawh December apanin kipan tangpi a. Aziak ahihleh, innpua a Puanpi gat ahihziakin vuahzuklohlai a gat hoih hi. Huai kia hiloin, pawltaak awl-lenlai a gat akulna awm a, huaibel numei kia in gan zolo ahih man un pasalte man hun tuh deuh leng ngai hi.

Puanpi zanchiang a isilh chiang a, alum na dingin Pat khuttal chia leh khap nih khap thum khawng a sau in kizial tawn a, huai Pattawnte khuttal tantan a sau in ki gat khum hi. Huaite Puanpi mul kichi hi. Puanpi pen khangluite Rizai hia, mattress hi a, blanket zawng hilai hi. Zomite tenna gamte tang-gam khawvawt gam ahihziakin, Puanpi in a etsak kia hilo in ataktakin zawng pawimawh hi.

Tanu neiten, atanu nungakno hawnghih chiangin Puanpi gat hawn pan ngal ua. Aziakbel, Puanpi gat I chih thil awlsam hiloa, azatna ding awm guihthei a. Huanah, I deih hun chianga gat dingin koih le hang, innsung buailai leh alemchanlohlai leh a kiphatmawh hun kituak thei hi.Huanah, agat hunsung zawng sawt hi. Huaiziakin, Puanpi gat sain koih uha. Zusa, innhik leh innlawiten aneek siat lohna dingin hoihtaka puan a tunin bichiing (ceiling) ah khai uhi.

Nungakten pasal aneih chiang un, huai Puanpi gatsa bichinga kikhai hawnla khia ua, a mothakna lam uah ‘Movan ken’ pawimawhpen dingin keng uhi. Mo vanken puanza leh thil dang khen khatte, apasal lamten kihawm sek mahle uh Puanpi pen midangkhoih siangloa, mo nu in a pasal tawh asilhkhawm ding ua sehtuamin awm hi.

Hiai La phuaktu in meipam lupna nawsia a, azi thak liklek in Puanpi thak liklek hawnken tawh sunthak, zanthak leh hunthak zat a ut thu La in hawn sa khia hi.Hi e, mihing hinkhua adingin zineih ni, pasal neih ni ichih hun pawimawh leh chiamtehtaak hi ua. Hiai Laphuaktu adingin, zi neih in meipam lupna apan zalenna en saka, huai in thilluite mangta a, hindan thaka hingding ahih dan zawng ensak hi.

Laphuaktu in a itpen tawh Puanpi khat silh khawma, alungphu uh Puanpi thaknuai a akituak a phu litlit kawma; hi tham e, pheipi li gawm zawng telin ‘gin awm ni, sihtan pha in aw’ chih a ut thu La in hawn sakhia hi. Puanpi kengthei kitenna in nu leh pa lemsak pihna, khawtang leh Saptuam theihpihna kawk a. Huchibang a “pheipi li gawm” Siamtu muhin etlawm hi. Hiai Laphuaktu in ‘Puanpi nuai a pheipi li gawm ka ut’ achih in thanghuaitaka, ‘commitment’ tello a, ‘neek loh ding vawng-gah keih’ maimai atup dan ahiloh lam hilh chian hi.

Structural-Administrative Problems Amongst the Tribals in North East India

A Special Case of the Zo (Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi) Family-Nation -
Manglal of Lamka

One of the causes of the problem in today’s North East India is the super-imposition of British administrative system amongst the tribals and in the tribal lands.

- some NGOs, journalists and social/society workers in North East India

That was the historical and scientific findings of some of the NGOs, journalists and social thinkers in North East India as they attempt to understand and address the turmoil that North East India is in.

Tribals, particularly the Zo people, already faced enough cultural, economical, political, military, psychological, educational, administrative and administrators invasions into their own heartland. We do not need anymore of any invasion in whatever form, shape or size!

Our tribal administrative systems were almost completely wiped out with the introduction (in fact, imposition; italicized, emphasis throughout) of different modes of administration. With that imposition, so also goes our authority over our own self, people and land – to affair ourselves in accordance with tribal polity and traditional administration.

The Case Against British Government

We know it is not a myth that we governed ourselves and administered our country before the British arrivals. Then they invaded our people and land. We raided their camps to show our opposition and displeasure to this invasion of our independent country. Instead they conducted an ‘expedition’ against the indigenous populace – justifying that we attacked them, while they are the actual ones who attacked us first by committing a historical injustice – entering our land without our administrators’ permission and conducting military, administrative and political business without our authorization. Here it is worthwhile to note that however primitive and remote our tribal polity and administrative system may be at that time – it is still a law and a government – legal and sovereign - in today’s context! However fearful-look and ill equipped our standing army (warriors) may be at that time compared to the British soldiers who were heavily fortified, ours was legal national soldiers, and there’s was illegal intruders. However ignorance and untrained our rulers maybe in the eyes of the imperialism compared to the British trained administrators and political observers, ours was a time tested and experience trained rulers who masters our land and people.

British Imposed Expedition and Administrative System

Sometimes I wonder whether it’s a joke the British India coining the term ‘Lushai-Chin-Kuki Expedition’. One feels like asking them whether they understand English. A kinsman from Aizawl cannot accept the term ‘expedition’ inserted by the British in their military invasion against our people, in our land. He said that in military parlance, expedition is supposedly to be carried out only against the guilty party. But now, here is these white men invading us and our land. And when we opposed them, they carried out an ‘expedition’ against us. In historical, territorial, military, political and administrative justice and fairness, the Zo people are the one who should conduct expedition against the illegal occupational-invaders – the British.

It seems that is not enough, the British super-imposed their way of administration and polity upon our Zo traditional administration, governance and polity. Here lies the genesis of our administrative and political problems. It put our cultural, economical, political and territorial future into the hands of outsiders. The tension begins. The struggle just began.

The Case Against Indian Government

Just after Independence India, instead of working out the welfare of the Zo people in relation to their territory, their land was cut by three international boundaries. Not only that, in India we were absorbed into Greater Assam. And we saw in the subsequent years our land was transferred and divided to states, union territories and districts. We played very little part in it. Pathetic indigenous people, we have no much say in the affairs and destiny of our own land – founded and protected by our great and loving forefathers and foremothers.

And as if that is not enough, administrative system and administrators – one after another – strange and foreign to us were imposed and sent by the Indian government. The imposition is handed down. The tensions heightened. The struggle continues.

The Case Against Manipur Government

Even after Manipur attained statehood, instead of gaining wisdom and having compassion towards the Zo people because of their shared experienced and long-hard struggles, Manipur government bulldozed the Zo interests. Upon the Tuitha river, a dam called ‘Khuga’ Dam was constructed. The name imposed and alien to the indigenous inhabitants. A town called by the indigenous populace as Lamka was officially called ‘Churachandpur’. A strange foreign word and name imposed upon a different but indigenous people. A district, historically over ripen, Sadar Hills District, is today not yet a district – overided by a less deserving ones.

And if that is not enough, a strange game is being played by some actors to administratively invade and crippled our remaining tribal administration and polity. The imposition is still on. The tension is alive. The struggle is real.

Which Way Forward Now?

I was told that three of the surest ways of destroying the indigenous peoples in the world are – territorial invasion, imposition of administrators and administrative system and political invasion. That is exactly what the above three governments were and are doing. Therefore, we are a threatened indigenous people! Our land is a threatened indigenous land!

There is an urgent need to keep a watch on what is going on in these three sectors of our indigenous-national security and welfare. Our tribal polity, administrative and justice system must be expanded and reformed in the light of Judeo-Christian epistemology and world view, informed and guided by contemporary way of governance and experiences. Our indigenous governance must be reformed in the light of our Christian faith and with the challenges thrown to us by the rapidly changing globalize world. Many slow but fast changes and reformed must continue in every aspects of our family-national interests. With holding onto our Biblical faith, empowered by the Constitution of India and safeguarded by United Nations growing concerns on the affairs and future on indigenous peoples and lands, we can protect our Zo (Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi) polity, administrative system and administrators and territory. For only in preserving these will we preserve ourselves as a family-nation. As an indigenous people and a tribal community, failing to protect our land and territory is failing to protect ourselves, our welfare and our identity.

However we may fail or failed each other in the past, it is not yet late. Today and now is the right time to begin that work in togetherness and in full swing – for the sake of our earthly welfare so that in the spirit also we may continue to do well.

[The article is taken from Manipur Express’ 26th September, 2007 issue. The writer can be contacted at He is a spiritual-society worker].


M. S. Thirumalai, Ph.D.



Of the four language families represented in Manipur, Tibeto-Burman has by far the largest number of mother tongues returned in the Indian census records. The Tibeto-Burman family is represented by the North East Frontier, Naga, and Kuki-Chin groups. Kuki-Chin group is spoken over a wider area by a larger number of speakers than by any other language group in Manipur.


Grierson classifies the Kuki-Chin group into various sub groups. The classification is not wholly linguistic. It is based on the migrational histories based on traditional beliefs. Hence, the titles given to the groups seem to revolve around georgraphical territories traditionally occupied by the various groups.


The territories traditionally occupied by the people speaking the Kuki-Chin pre-literate languages have changed hands during the last two hundred years or so. The areas where the languages of the group are spoken were compact and reasonably contiguous under the British Empire, but these are now under three different administrative and sovereign territories, India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh.


The people who speak the Kuki-Chin preliterate languages and live in the Myanmar portion generally tend to call themselves as belonging to the group of Chins. The people speaking the Kuki-Chin preliterate languages living in the Indian territory tend to be named as Kuki-Chin in the literature that deals with the linguistic classification, but this common name is not adopted by the people themselves.


For various sociological and historical trends, the term Kuki is not very popular among several preliterate communities speaking the languages belonging to the Kuki-Chin group. Even the term Lushai, which was once popular among the Mizos, who are part of the Kuki-Chin group, is not popular. The term Mizo is more commonly used to refer to the Lushais and others in Mizoram.


Kuki and Chin are the words used to name or to identify a linguistic group that is distinct from other linguistic groups of the Tibeto-Burman family. But, when Kuki-Chin is given to the group as a whole, it incurs a lot of displeasure from the Meitheis (Manipuris), who do not want to be included under one roof with the "tribes". This social disinclination possibly may or may not have any linguistic weight to it, in spite of the known facts that Manipuri/Meithei has characteristics that closely resemble the core of the other Kuki-Chin languages.

At the same time, Manipuri/Meithei also exhibits many differences in the tonal, other phonological, morphological, and grammatical structures. Along with such distinctions, we also have a long recorded history of the Meithei/Manipuri people group with a materially advanced ways of agriculture and other industries for hundreds of years. The claim of the Meitheis/Manipuris that they form a language group by themselves will be settled in the future when detailed comparative studies are undertaken.


Regarding Kuki also, there is a lot of controversy as to its usage. Though the various tribes within the Kuki-Chin preliterate group accept that they belong to one language group, there is not much enthusiasm with regard to the use of the label "Kuki" among them.

During my field work in early 1960s, I gathered from conversations with several leaders of the people groups speaking preliterate Kuki-Chin languages in Manipur that around 1920s, a feeling of hatred or prejudice or estrangement towards this term developed due to the "arm strong" tactics of some of the tribes. A publication by William Shaw (1928) set the ball rolling. "He praised only one tribe and under-rated the other tribes, which resulted in disunity, the quest for independent recognition and revolts against inclusion under a general name." The same feeling still persists, since a good number of the other tribes who do not want to be called by the name Kuki are by now well established, socially, economically, and politically.


The desire to get united under the term Kuki, however, still continues. In the 1960s, there was a powerful group of youngsters - College and High School students - who worked hard to unite the disunited tribes by bringing in the general term Kuki to denote all the Kuki-Chin tribes.

By this time, the Lushais and other tribes in the Lushai Hills (MIZORAM) had been moving towards calling themselves Mizo. Sandwiched between the unity efforts of the Nagas and the Mizos, these young leaders of Kuki movement thought that Kuki-Chin tribal peoples in Manipur could be united if only a common name was found and accepted by all the tribal groups. If linguistically mutually unintelligible Naga tribal peoples could get united under a single label Naga, why should the linguistically mutually intelligible Kuki-Chin, especially those from the Manipur state, could not get united?

This move had to face the strongest opposition from the well-established Thados because these youngsters proposed to change mainly the term Thado to Kuki; or it appeared to be so for the Thado leaders. The attempt to use a common name had some support from available linguistic facts because the Census reports earlier reported that the Thado speech was indeed spoken by a variety of groups, not necessarily belonging to the Thado tribe proper.

A common name such as Kuki, in this context, is only proper and just, according to the pro-Kuki leaders. They also claimed that Thado is just a name of a person, that no single sub-tribe or clan within the Thado tribe has inherited this name and used it, and that there are very large numbers of sub-tribes speaking the same idiom but having their own distinct and different names for their tongues.

This controversy still continues. The failure on the part of the pro-Kuki leaders to convince other independent tribal groups such as Hmar and Vaiphei makes it difficult for them to bring all Kuki-Chin tribal groups under the term Kuki only. This controversy between Thados and non-Theodos, who speak the same language, has not died down.


In the 1961 Census, which is a benchmark census in terms of recording the names of mother tongues, 69 mother tongue returns of Kuki-Chin group were identified. Out of these, 35 mother tongues were traced to the the list found in the Linguistic Survey of India and 33 were new names. The 1961 Census offered some tentative findings on the affiliations of these mother tongues. The Census classification for one mother tongue differed from that of the Linguisitic Survey of India.


The over all language situation of Manipur is twofold -in the plains Meithei/Manipuri is spoken and in the hills various but quite often mutually intelligible Kuki-Chin languages/dialects are used. The knowledge of Meithei/Manipuri is found to be very scarce in the interior hills even now, whereas in the hills adjoining the plains it is fairly understood and used. It may be generally said that Manipuri and English are by far the secondary languages among the tribal people.

In the schools the tribal students were asked to learn four languages - their mother tongue, English, Manipuri and Hindi. One professor of a local college very shrewdly remarked, "We are backward, but our burden is heavier than yours in that we are required to learn four languages unlike other fellow citizens." At the University level only Lushai/Mizo which was spoken less in Manipur but which was becoming more and more the written lingua franca among the independently recognized tribal groups such as Hmar, Gangte, and Vaiphei, excluding the Thados and other non-Thados, was offered as an alternative subject; other Kuki-Chin tribal languages/dialects were not offered.


The Lushais or the Mizos continue to be the largest block in the Kuki-Chin tribal group and also outside the Naga circle. They were supposed to be the model setters and were widely admired among the Hmars and others except the Thados and non-Thados who speak the same language.

The Kuki-Chin "tribal" language situation in Manipur is linguistically very interesting, but at the same time very complicated. It is linguistically very interesting in the sense that most of the dialects are mutually intelligible to one another. In Churachandpur that has the representation of all the Kuki-Chin tribes habitually settled in Manipur, the intelligibility is found astonishly to a great extent. Even writing is not a big barrier since the script used (the Roman script, with sometimes English spelling conventions) is the same for all the dialects. But the influence of Lushai/Mizo and the tendency to be different from other tribes steadily and slowly step up the pace of the split. But such a prediction needs to be tested by the quantitative and qualitative surveys that will throw more light on the previous splits and will improve the classification based on the migrational histories (generally traditional beliefs) also.


In terms of research, Kuki dialects have not been given a consideration reasonably due to them so long. It is true that the administrative necessities of the British Empire and genuine academic "curiosities" had led to the publication of some literature on Kuki tribes. But most of these were either geographically oriented reports, or mainly anthropological expositions by the officers, both civilian and military, who took extra interest in their "subjects." Even then, the majority of the published works recognized the importance of the languages of this group and hence every trustworthy treatise had a chapter or two necessarily on the languages.

The part played by the reports of the census is very noteworthy. Early in 1901 census, Grierson not only classified the dialects but also threw more light upon the tones of the languages. His comments on tones still basically hold good. The Census of 1931 added further information regarding the tribes. The information obtained in 1961 helps to locate the scene and the scope of the problem. Village-wise information, if collected, will give us a better handle on the real linguistic situation prevailing in the Manipur Hills.

Of the 69 Kuki Chin mother tongues returned in the 1961 Census, twelve languages/dialects were spoken by a considerable number of speakers and were concentrated or spread over a considerable area. These are as follows:

Manipuri/Meithei 636,430.
Thado (31,974). Nineteen mother tongues were grouped under Thado. The grouping will generally hold good except for the title of the language. Thado is an ancestor's name that is not used by any section/clan of the Thados; but somehow it has come to denote a group of tribes/sub-tribes or clans who are very akin to one anot6her. The resentment for this name mainly comes from two sources - if non-Thados accept this nomenclature, they are afraid that they will either be taken for the descendants of Thado, or be taken for the "subjects" of Thados; the second reason is the desire among certain sections of the people for unity, to get united under a single banner.
The mother tongue returns of Thado had a wide range of representation. There were a number of mother tongues such as Kipgen and Haokeep that are the names of the subjects/clans of the Thado tribe. Chongloi, Hangseen/Hansing and Lhovum, etc., are related to Thado linguistically; but different tribes make different claims as to their origin and identity. Khongzai is generally used by the Meitheis/Manipuris to denote Thados. Three persons returned Indoi as their mother tongue but this term really is just the word for a kind of indigenous religious rites.
The influence of English, Lushai and Biblical Translations have given spurt to the formation of a standard colloquial speech which the literates are very conscious about and are employing incessantly.
In Manipur, Thados form the largest Kuki-Chin tribal group and are widely spread in the hills. The group rivalry among the Thados and non-Thados are traditionally well known. The enmity between Hmar and Thado is still discernible.
The Hmar people are a highly organized tribe. The Hmars are not as widely spread as the Thados. They claim to be more akin to the Lushais and they are very actively putting forth works in their dialect. It has no other mother tongue returned. This may reveal the magnitude of consciousness of belonging to one single tribe by the different sub sects of the Hmar tribe. Anyway, it is admitted that there will be speech variations "here and there" depending upon the usually acknowledged factors.
There are also other important Kuki-Chin languages or dialects such as Paite, Simte Vaiphei, Gante, Teddim-Chin, etc. Anal, Chiru, Rangkhol, Halam, and Kom occupy an intermediary position between Kuki-Chin and Naga groups according to some reports. Unfortunately, detailed work on these dialects/languages are yet to be done.

So long I wrote mainly about the Kuki-Chin group. There are several Naga languages/dialects spoken in Manipur centering around Ukhrul, Tengnoupal, Tamenglong, Mao, Maram, and Sadar Hills. Their relations vis-a-via Meithei/Manipuri need to be investigated. A survey of all the villages of Manipur will be a good beginning, but, unfortunately, the unsettled conditions prevailing in these parts do not help much.

Manipur is a linguists' paradise. It offers a wide range of dialects for analysis and classification. A fuller and up-to-date description of all the languages and dialects spoken in Manipur will not only be interesting but also will help meet the demand of the people to develop their languages and dialects as fit vehicles for education, mass media and governance.