Chapter 3: International Community'S Role
USA, EU and United Nations' Pressure
International community including the United States of America, the European Union, and the United Nations have been pressing the military regime to hold a pragmatic dialogue with the opposition groups and respect the outcome of the 1990 general elections. So far, these repeated pressures have been ignored by the military junta. As a result, the country has faced economic crises, and one such notable example was the closing down of all national banks in the country due to bankruptcy in February 2003. The brunt of this economic crisis has immensely affected the lives of people from all walks of life.
The intervention of the international community in Burma is still very limited. The military regime is under economic sanctions by the international community such as the European Union, International Labor Organization (ILO) and the United States for their excessive human rights violations. Imposing of economic sanctions is also one of the effective ways of the international community's involvement. Entry visas for leading figures of the military junta have been banned by the United States government. Meanwhile, there are several opinions that unless the international community comes up with some sort of harder intervention, the regime will continue with its traditional policy of aggression against its own people, particularly against the ethnic minority groups.
The United Nations is working hard to come up with a positive solution. A UN special envoy, Mr. Razali Ismail and Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) on Burma, have been trying their best to convince the military junta to hold dialogue with the opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) and with representatives of ethnic groups. In a number of occasions, these leaders have visited the country and had discussions with both the ruling military regime and the opposition groups. Although there has not been any significant change in the country's political situation, little progress has been made. Aung San Suu Kyi was released from six years (1989 - 1995) house arrest in 1995. It was during her house arrest that she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because of her commitment to democracy with non-violent means. However, throughout the late 1990s, Suu Kyi was sporadically arrested and placed under house arrest. She was neither allowed to meet her supporters and party members nor allowed to travel freely throughout the country. She was also awarded the Presidential Medal in 2000 by the US government. She was again held under house arrest in September 2000 and later released on May 6, 2002. After her freedom from house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed to travel throughout the country, which she had been denied for years. One sad story is that she was not allowed to be visited by her husband, Michel Aris, before he passed away on March 27, 1999. She was afraid to visit her husband on the ground that the military government would not allow her to return back once she leaves the country.
Media's Role in Political Struggle
Different Radio programs in Burmese such as Radio Free Asia (RFA), Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), and British Broad Casting Corporation (BBC) and Voice of America (VOA) are run with the assistance from the international community. These programs are routinely broadcasting the injustices and crimes perpetrated by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), besides other news from Burma. Through these programs, people from around the world are kept informed about the happening in inside Burma. As media and press are censored inside the country, the people will have to rely on the news broadcasts from the overseas stations. Freedom of speech is denied in the country. In conjunction with that, on June 7, 1996, SLORC issued a law that anyone who expresses political views publicly could be given up to 20 years imprisonment. In many places inside Burma, people could be arrested if found listening to the overseas radio programs that broadcast the weaknesses of the military junta.
The involvement of the international community has so far resulted in the release of some political prisoners. But still, there are hundreds who are languishing in different jails in the country. Most prisoners are carried to places where they are not familiar with and are confined to hazardous works, with chains hanging down from their waist to ankles. They are treated as if they were wild animals; prisoners are given unhygienic foods, no medication, and, at times, they are lashed mercilessly. Most of the prisoners would either die in their camps or work places. Sometimes, they are beaten to death by the soldiers who look after them. The writer himself, before leaving Burma, witnessed the harsh treatments meted out to prisoners.
Chapter 4: Consequences Of The Conflicts
The conflicts have turned the country, which was once known to be one of the richest countries in Southeast Asia, into one of the poorest countries of the world. Burma was once known as the rice bowl of the Southeast Asian Nations before the military seized power. I will broadly elaborate the consequences of the conflicts under three main categories - socio-political, economic and education.
Socio-Political
The consequences in the socio-political areas are one of the serious ones. The political situation of the country is in chaos with no definite pattern. The worst form of government has affected the lives of about 50 million people. Due to the Burmese military policy of chauvinism, many underground groups have revolted against the brutal military regime. The political leadership of the country has deprived the fundamental rights of the people. The commoners are politically suppressed so that whoever raises a voice against the military regime is in trouble. As a result of the conflicts, thousands of pints of blood have been shed, and lives have been lost.
The number of internally displaced persons and exodus of refugees is steadily rising year after year. Neighboring countries like India and China are taking advantage of the situation and are now trying to make their strong bases in the country by working together with the military junta. As indicated by the Human Rights Yearbook 2002-03, there are approximately 300,000 refugees in Thailand, 12,000 in China and India, and 20,000 in Bangladesh. Due to the continuous inflow of refugees, the number of refugees is said to be very much higher than the official record published in this Human Rights Year Book.
One very shocking news is that there are hundreds of people who are disabled or crippled by the landmines planted by the Burmese soldiers in ethnic minority war-torn areas. Many of ethnic minority-inhabited areas are filled with bombs and mines so that living in these areas are very risky. The regime's forces in their battle against the ethnic insurgent groups plant the landmines. It is very sad to see that forcibly recruited soldiers from the ethnic minority groups are placed in the front lines whenever the army is in gun battle with the insurgents. This clearly indicates racial discrimination practiced by the military junta.
In a significant development in August 30, 2003, the newly sworn-in Prime Minister, General Khin Kyunt, presented the military regime's seven steps "democracy road map." The speech was it's first time on policy matters given at Parliament building, and was addressed to military junta's cabinet ministers, military commanders, and organizations under the regime's command.
The seven steps include; reconvening of the National Convention (NC) that has been adjourned since 1996, step by step implementation of the process necessary for the emergence of a genuine and disciplined democratic system, drafting of a new constitution (based on NC), adoption of the constitution through national referendum, holding of free and fair elections for Pyithu Hluttaws (legislative bodies) according to the new constitution, convening of Hluttaws, and government and other central organs formed by the Hluttaw.
Many opposition parties terming that it is an idea of legitimizing the junta and an attempt to prolonging the regime denounced the plan. "It is nothing more than a political ploy to ease mounting international pressure and prolong military rule," said the August 31, 2003 Press Release of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the Burmese exile government. Meanwhile, diplomats and observers in Rangoon have also said that the general is just making the old idea new. Prime Minister of the exile government Dr Sein Win said, "We cannot accept any political process which excludes the role of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD.
A common course of action has to be sought through a tripartite dialogue. SPDC has neither the legitimacy nor the support of the people to dictate or impose a political process, particularly on a political party like the NLD which has the mandate of the people through the 1990 elections." It may be noted that the NLD secured 392 seats out of 485 total parliamentary seats in the 1990 elections. The government of Burma's proposed seven-steps road map to democracy does not include the opinions expressed by several parties in the country and has not shown that the process will be participatory and transparent, the United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan says in a human rights report. So far, this road map seems to be unwelcome to many opposition groups, including ethnic party such as the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), which won 23 seats (the second largest parliamentary seats).
Economics
The economic situation of the country has been deteriorating since the military took over the country's administration in 1962 military coup. As the country's resources are diverted to the pockets of a few top army generals, the country is now facing severe economic crisis. The inflation rate is rapidly soaring. About two-thirds of the country's revenue is spent on military purposes, which in turn has immensely increased the economic hardships of the people.
In the meantime, the prices of all essential commodities are rising rapidly, although the daily wages and salaries of the government employees remain very low. This unbalanced income and expenditure has forced almost every government servant to a life of corruption. We could not simply blame the government employees for taking bribes and other donations. It is the circumstances that compel them to do so for their survival.
Besides its domestic hardships, economic sanction is imposed by most wealthy nations, and, therefore, no major investments or any financial and other assistance is flowing into Burma. This adds to the woes of the country's economic hardships. The country's natural resources are exploited by the military regime. Burma's neighboring countries, China and India, are taking advantage of the economic crisis by sending their businessmen and women to extract the wealth of Burma. The country's economy is now indirectly controlled by China and other neighboring Asian countries. If there is no economic revolution or economic policy changes in the near future, Burma could be facing disastrous economic depression.
Education
The conflicts in Burma do not have an impact only on the socio-political and economic, but also on the education system of the country. Today, Burma has one of the lowest standards of education system. Quality education is very less to be seen. It is important to remember that most of the educated youths had left the country during and after the political crisis in the country, particularly after the 8888 democracy uprising. Not only students, but skilled professionals and many other scholars of the country have been leaving the country because of the overall deteriorating situation of the country. They are looking for better jobs and better environment where they can peacefully utilize their knowledge for living.
In the absence of young and capable educationists, the quality of education in Burma has been diminishing. For example, there have been frequent closing down of educational institutions throughout the country. As universities and other educational institutions were the centers of democracy uprisings, the military regime would close any institutions at any time when they see any impending dangers. This frequent closing down of educational institutions has brought great impacts on the lives of millions of students. At times, many students who are frustrated with these maneuvers would permanently give up their studies.
Proper and quality education could only be established if the government gives importance to education. The present military regime, always keeping busy with arms and ammunitions in order to consolidate their positions, has no enough time and infrastructures for the improvement of education system in the country. In order to redress the overall situation of the country, the country needs a government, which supports and participates for the promotion of the country's welfare.
Chapter 5: Solution Of Conflicts
Some Positive Developments
So far, the conflict has no substantive solutions. If the present government, comprised mainly of the Burman ethnic group, is sincere, problems in the country could be solved even without the intervention of any third country. The government should either hand over power to the democratically elected government or formulate a program that could mutually be accepted by the regime, the opposition parties, and leaders of respective ethnic groups.
Meanwhile, in this regard, the government has so far made positive developments by bringing some of the ethnic insurgent groups including the dominant ones to negotiating table and even made formal ceasefire agreements with them. The rebel groups include; Chinese Myanmar National Democratic Army in Kokang District of Shan State, United Wa State Army, the Shan/Akha/Wa National Democratic Alliance Army, the newly reconstituted Shan State Army and the New Democratic Army, which was Kachin, United Wa State Army (1989), Kachin Independence Army 4th Brigade (1991), and the Kachin Independence Organization (1993).
In all, 22 armed groups, some quite small, either made ceasefires with or surrendered to Rangoon between 1989 and 1997. One significant achievement for the Junta in recent years is that it could bring the strongest and longest ethnic rebel group, Karen National Union (KNU), to the negotiating table. As I write this paper, a verbal ceasefire has been reached between the two in December 2003, albeit, the formal agreement is yet to be signed. The government should show sincerity in its attempt to solving the decades' old problems with ethnic groups. There should be political equality, liberty, and a sense of peaceful coexistence and mutual understanding. Even if democracy is restored as demanded by all opposition groups and the international community, the decades' old conflicts will not subside as long as the government ignores the grievances of the minority ethnic groups.
In that case, democracy will be restored, but problems will still exist. The long lasting solution will be achieved if both the minority ethnic groups and the majority Burmans could build mutual trust among themselves. The government should give up pursuing the policy of aggression against the insurgent groups; instead, they should invite them all to participate in a meaningful dialogue to find political solution.
If the demands of ethnic groups are resisted with force, the Union of Burma could even break up into pieces in the years ahead.
In the meantime, the demands of ethnic groups such as Kuki, Lahu, Naga, Palaung, Rohingya, Wa, etc. who are not having their own states, and yet suppressed, are also to be given due consideration. Development and prosperity could be achieved only if there is peace and mutual trust among the people.
Chapter 6: Conclusion
Political Solution to Ethnic Problems
The conflicts in Burma have a long history. Some of the ethnic insurgent groups have been fighting against the successive governments ever since the country gained independence from the British, while some of the ethnic insurgent groups were formed in the late 1980s and in the early 1990s. Of the many underground groups, the Karen National Union has been one of the fiercest groups in the country. The group fights for the establishment of a genuine Federal Union of Burma with all the states having equal rights and the right to self-determination. Since the 8888 uprising and the subsequent events, a number of ethnic insurgent groups have been pushing for the restoration of democracy in the country and the establishment of a true federal democratic government. Whatever the causes are, one thing is clear that the stalemate between the Burman government and the ethnic insurgent groups will continue if the government ignores the doctrines of equality, liberty and fraternity at the national level.
At present, almost all insurgent groups give their focus on the restoration of democracy, and the safeguarding of human rights in the country. It is hard to predict whether these ethnic insurgency problems will end once democracy is restored in the country. The country's future will certainly depend on the leaders of the future democratic Burma. The contemporary political situation shows that even a large section of the Burmans themselves got involved in waging war against the leadership of the military regime. Among others, insurgent groups such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), an armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), and the Wa ethnic group that have entered into a ceasefire agreement with the military regime, weakening the strength of the collective opposition forces. The military regime has been trying its best to persuade different ethnic insurgent groups to lay down their arms. Although some insurgent groups so far refuse to hold dialogue, quite a good number of groups have decided to work together with the military junta.
There has been steady progress on the part of the government in bringing several armed groups into ceasefire table. Till very recently, several armed groups made ceasefire with the military regime. Although there is no complete silence, there has been a tremendous drop in arms conflicts across the country since 10 years back. As I write this paper, the government is holding rounds of talks with the longest armed group in the country, the Karen National Union (KNU). However, there has not been any formal ceasefire agreement signed by the two parties. Other armed groups such as Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and Chin National Front (CNF) have also expressed their willingness for a formal and complete ceasefire with the government. KNPP once signed a ceasefire agreement with the military government in 1995, but collapsed within weeks.
USA, EU and United Nations' Pressure
International community including the United States of America, the European Union, and the United Nations have been pressing the military regime to hold a pragmatic dialogue with the opposition groups and respect the outcome of the 1990 general elections. So far, these repeated pressures have been ignored by the military junta. As a result, the country has faced economic crises, and one such notable example was the closing down of all national banks in the country due to bankruptcy in February 2003. The brunt of this economic crisis has immensely affected the lives of people from all walks of life.
The intervention of the international community in Burma is still very limited. The military regime is under economic sanctions by the international community such as the European Union, International Labor Organization (ILO) and the United States for their excessive human rights violations. Imposing of economic sanctions is also one of the effective ways of the international community's involvement. Entry visas for leading figures of the military junta have been banned by the United States government. Meanwhile, there are several opinions that unless the international community comes up with some sort of harder intervention, the regime will continue with its traditional policy of aggression against its own people, particularly against the ethnic minority groups.
The United Nations is working hard to come up with a positive solution. A UN special envoy, Mr. Razali Ismail and Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) on Burma, have been trying their best to convince the military junta to hold dialogue with the opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) and with representatives of ethnic groups. In a number of occasions, these leaders have visited the country and had discussions with both the ruling military regime and the opposition groups. Although there has not been any significant change in the country's political situation, little progress has been made. Aung San Suu Kyi was released from six years (1989 - 1995) house arrest in 1995. It was during her house arrest that she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because of her commitment to democracy with non-violent means. However, throughout the late 1990s, Suu Kyi was sporadically arrested and placed under house arrest. She was neither allowed to meet her supporters and party members nor allowed to travel freely throughout the country. She was also awarded the Presidential Medal in 2000 by the US government. She was again held under house arrest in September 2000 and later released on May 6, 2002. After her freedom from house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed to travel throughout the country, which she had been denied for years. One sad story is that she was not allowed to be visited by her husband, Michel Aris, before he passed away on March 27, 1999. She was afraid to visit her husband on the ground that the military government would not allow her to return back once she leaves the country.
Media's Role in Political Struggle
Different Radio programs in Burmese such as Radio Free Asia (RFA), Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), and British Broad Casting Corporation (BBC) and Voice of America (VOA) are run with the assistance from the international community. These programs are routinely broadcasting the injustices and crimes perpetrated by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), besides other news from Burma. Through these programs, people from around the world are kept informed about the happening in inside Burma. As media and press are censored inside the country, the people will have to rely on the news broadcasts from the overseas stations. Freedom of speech is denied in the country. In conjunction with that, on June 7, 1996, SLORC issued a law that anyone who expresses political views publicly could be given up to 20 years imprisonment. In many places inside Burma, people could be arrested if found listening to the overseas radio programs that broadcast the weaknesses of the military junta.
The involvement of the international community has so far resulted in the release of some political prisoners. But still, there are hundreds who are languishing in different jails in the country. Most prisoners are carried to places where they are not familiar with and are confined to hazardous works, with chains hanging down from their waist to ankles. They are treated as if they were wild animals; prisoners are given unhygienic foods, no medication, and, at times, they are lashed mercilessly. Most of the prisoners would either die in their camps or work places. Sometimes, they are beaten to death by the soldiers who look after them. The writer himself, before leaving Burma, witnessed the harsh treatments meted out to prisoners.
Chapter 4: Consequences Of The Conflicts
The conflicts have turned the country, which was once known to be one of the richest countries in Southeast Asia, into one of the poorest countries of the world. Burma was once known as the rice bowl of the Southeast Asian Nations before the military seized power. I will broadly elaborate the consequences of the conflicts under three main categories - socio-political, economic and education.
Socio-Political
The consequences in the socio-political areas are one of the serious ones. The political situation of the country is in chaos with no definite pattern. The worst form of government has affected the lives of about 50 million people. Due to the Burmese military policy of chauvinism, many underground groups have revolted against the brutal military regime. The political leadership of the country has deprived the fundamental rights of the people. The commoners are politically suppressed so that whoever raises a voice against the military regime is in trouble. As a result of the conflicts, thousands of pints of blood have been shed, and lives have been lost.
The number of internally displaced persons and exodus of refugees is steadily rising year after year. Neighboring countries like India and China are taking advantage of the situation and are now trying to make their strong bases in the country by working together with the military junta. As indicated by the Human Rights Yearbook 2002-03, there are approximately 300,000 refugees in Thailand, 12,000 in China and India, and 20,000 in Bangladesh. Due to the continuous inflow of refugees, the number of refugees is said to be very much higher than the official record published in this Human Rights Year Book.
One very shocking news is that there are hundreds of people who are disabled or crippled by the landmines planted by the Burmese soldiers in ethnic minority war-torn areas. Many of ethnic minority-inhabited areas are filled with bombs and mines so that living in these areas are very risky. The regime's forces in their battle against the ethnic insurgent groups plant the landmines. It is very sad to see that forcibly recruited soldiers from the ethnic minority groups are placed in the front lines whenever the army is in gun battle with the insurgents. This clearly indicates racial discrimination practiced by the military junta.
In a significant development in August 30, 2003, the newly sworn-in Prime Minister, General Khin Kyunt, presented the military regime's seven steps "democracy road map." The speech was it's first time on policy matters given at Parliament building, and was addressed to military junta's cabinet ministers, military commanders, and organizations under the regime's command.
The seven steps include; reconvening of the National Convention (NC) that has been adjourned since 1996, step by step implementation of the process necessary for the emergence of a genuine and disciplined democratic system, drafting of a new constitution (based on NC), adoption of the constitution through national referendum, holding of free and fair elections for Pyithu Hluttaws (legislative bodies) according to the new constitution, convening of Hluttaws, and government and other central organs formed by the Hluttaw.
Many opposition parties terming that it is an idea of legitimizing the junta and an attempt to prolonging the regime denounced the plan. "It is nothing more than a political ploy to ease mounting international pressure and prolong military rule," said the August 31, 2003 Press Release of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the Burmese exile government. Meanwhile, diplomats and observers in Rangoon have also said that the general is just making the old idea new. Prime Minister of the exile government Dr Sein Win said, "We cannot accept any political process which excludes the role of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD.
A common course of action has to be sought through a tripartite dialogue. SPDC has neither the legitimacy nor the support of the people to dictate or impose a political process, particularly on a political party like the NLD which has the mandate of the people through the 1990 elections." It may be noted that the NLD secured 392 seats out of 485 total parliamentary seats in the 1990 elections. The government of Burma's proposed seven-steps road map to democracy does not include the opinions expressed by several parties in the country and has not shown that the process will be participatory and transparent, the United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan says in a human rights report. So far, this road map seems to be unwelcome to many opposition groups, including ethnic party such as the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), which won 23 seats (the second largest parliamentary seats).
Economics
The economic situation of the country has been deteriorating since the military took over the country's administration in 1962 military coup. As the country's resources are diverted to the pockets of a few top army generals, the country is now facing severe economic crisis. The inflation rate is rapidly soaring. About two-thirds of the country's revenue is spent on military purposes, which in turn has immensely increased the economic hardships of the people.
In the meantime, the prices of all essential commodities are rising rapidly, although the daily wages and salaries of the government employees remain very low. This unbalanced income and expenditure has forced almost every government servant to a life of corruption. We could not simply blame the government employees for taking bribes and other donations. It is the circumstances that compel them to do so for their survival.
Besides its domestic hardships, economic sanction is imposed by most wealthy nations, and, therefore, no major investments or any financial and other assistance is flowing into Burma. This adds to the woes of the country's economic hardships. The country's natural resources are exploited by the military regime. Burma's neighboring countries, China and India, are taking advantage of the economic crisis by sending their businessmen and women to extract the wealth of Burma. The country's economy is now indirectly controlled by China and other neighboring Asian countries. If there is no economic revolution or economic policy changes in the near future, Burma could be facing disastrous economic depression.
Education
The conflicts in Burma do not have an impact only on the socio-political and economic, but also on the education system of the country. Today, Burma has one of the lowest standards of education system. Quality education is very less to be seen. It is important to remember that most of the educated youths had left the country during and after the political crisis in the country, particularly after the 8888 democracy uprising. Not only students, but skilled professionals and many other scholars of the country have been leaving the country because of the overall deteriorating situation of the country. They are looking for better jobs and better environment where they can peacefully utilize their knowledge for living.
In the absence of young and capable educationists, the quality of education in Burma has been diminishing. For example, there have been frequent closing down of educational institutions throughout the country. As universities and other educational institutions were the centers of democracy uprisings, the military regime would close any institutions at any time when they see any impending dangers. This frequent closing down of educational institutions has brought great impacts on the lives of millions of students. At times, many students who are frustrated with these maneuvers would permanently give up their studies.
Proper and quality education could only be established if the government gives importance to education. The present military regime, always keeping busy with arms and ammunitions in order to consolidate their positions, has no enough time and infrastructures for the improvement of education system in the country. In order to redress the overall situation of the country, the country needs a government, which supports and participates for the promotion of the country's welfare.
Chapter 5: Solution Of Conflicts
Some Positive Developments
So far, the conflict has no substantive solutions. If the present government, comprised mainly of the Burman ethnic group, is sincere, problems in the country could be solved even without the intervention of any third country. The government should either hand over power to the democratically elected government or formulate a program that could mutually be accepted by the regime, the opposition parties, and leaders of respective ethnic groups.
Meanwhile, in this regard, the government has so far made positive developments by bringing some of the ethnic insurgent groups including the dominant ones to negotiating table and even made formal ceasefire agreements with them. The rebel groups include; Chinese Myanmar National Democratic Army in Kokang District of Shan State, United Wa State Army, the Shan/Akha/Wa National Democratic Alliance Army, the newly reconstituted Shan State Army and the New Democratic Army, which was Kachin, United Wa State Army (1989), Kachin Independence Army 4th Brigade (1991), and the Kachin Independence Organization (1993).
In all, 22 armed groups, some quite small, either made ceasefires with or surrendered to Rangoon between 1989 and 1997. One significant achievement for the Junta in recent years is that it could bring the strongest and longest ethnic rebel group, Karen National Union (KNU), to the negotiating table. As I write this paper, a verbal ceasefire has been reached between the two in December 2003, albeit, the formal agreement is yet to be signed. The government should show sincerity in its attempt to solving the decades' old problems with ethnic groups. There should be political equality, liberty, and a sense of peaceful coexistence and mutual understanding. Even if democracy is restored as demanded by all opposition groups and the international community, the decades' old conflicts will not subside as long as the government ignores the grievances of the minority ethnic groups.
In that case, democracy will be restored, but problems will still exist. The long lasting solution will be achieved if both the minority ethnic groups and the majority Burmans could build mutual trust among themselves. The government should give up pursuing the policy of aggression against the insurgent groups; instead, they should invite them all to participate in a meaningful dialogue to find political solution.
If the demands of ethnic groups are resisted with force, the Union of Burma could even break up into pieces in the years ahead.
In the meantime, the demands of ethnic groups such as Kuki, Lahu, Naga, Palaung, Rohingya, Wa, etc. who are not having their own states, and yet suppressed, are also to be given due consideration. Development and prosperity could be achieved only if there is peace and mutual trust among the people.
Chapter 6: Conclusion
Political Solution to Ethnic Problems
The conflicts in Burma have a long history. Some of the ethnic insurgent groups have been fighting against the successive governments ever since the country gained independence from the British, while some of the ethnic insurgent groups were formed in the late 1980s and in the early 1990s. Of the many underground groups, the Karen National Union has been one of the fiercest groups in the country. The group fights for the establishment of a genuine Federal Union of Burma with all the states having equal rights and the right to self-determination. Since the 8888 uprising and the subsequent events, a number of ethnic insurgent groups have been pushing for the restoration of democracy in the country and the establishment of a true federal democratic government. Whatever the causes are, one thing is clear that the stalemate between the Burman government and the ethnic insurgent groups will continue if the government ignores the doctrines of equality, liberty and fraternity at the national level.
At present, almost all insurgent groups give their focus on the restoration of democracy, and the safeguarding of human rights in the country. It is hard to predict whether these ethnic insurgency problems will end once democracy is restored in the country. The country's future will certainly depend on the leaders of the future democratic Burma. The contemporary political situation shows that even a large section of the Burmans themselves got involved in waging war against the leadership of the military regime. Among others, insurgent groups such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), an armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), and the Wa ethnic group that have entered into a ceasefire agreement with the military regime, weakening the strength of the collective opposition forces. The military regime has been trying its best to persuade different ethnic insurgent groups to lay down their arms. Although some insurgent groups so far refuse to hold dialogue, quite a good number of groups have decided to work together with the military junta.
There has been steady progress on the part of the government in bringing several armed groups into ceasefire table. Till very recently, several armed groups made ceasefire with the military regime. Although there is no complete silence, there has been a tremendous drop in arms conflicts across the country since 10 years back. As I write this paper, the government is holding rounds of talks with the longest armed group in the country, the Karen National Union (KNU). However, there has not been any formal ceasefire agreement signed by the two parties. Other armed groups such as Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and Chin National Front (CNF) have also expressed their willingness for a formal and complete ceasefire with the government. KNPP once signed a ceasefire agreement with the military government in 1995, but collapsed within weeks.
Co-operation for Peaceful Solution
In the meantime, there are some other ethnic groups such as the Rohingyas in Arakan state, Pa- O, Lahu and Wa ethnic groups in Shan state, who are fighting for autonomy. It is sometime difficult to predict what the future of Burma will look like, whether the status-quo of the existing seven states and seven divisions will remain intact or be broken down into different smaller states. The Kukis in upper Sagaing Division are also consistently demanding for the restoration of their land, which is now occupied by mixed ethnic groups. It is important to note that the successive military regimes have been following a policy of Burmanization where they transplant Burmese immigrants in minority ethnic dominated areas. Fundamental rights are said to be totally absent. Laws of the land are in the hands of a few Burmese top army generals. Forced labor and human rights violations are largely practiced in minority ethnic populated areas. Child soldiers are also very common in Burma. Many young children are kidnapped and threatened with dire consequences if they refuse to join military. This practice has ruined the lives of thousands of the younger generation. Due to the excessive use of forced labors, human rights violations, and crimes against humanity, Burma is isolated from the international community, particularly from the western countries.
To bring a long lasting solution to the decades' old conflicts in Burma, it needs the sincerity, honesty and the participation of all ethnic groups. Different ethnic groups should be brought into confidence, and their legitimate demands should be looked into. The country needs changes and improvements in all fields - political, socio-economic, education, and so on and so forth. Political problems should be solved by political means. At present, all opposition forces, including ethnic insurgent groups are fighting for a common cause i.e., the restoration of democracy in the country. In the process of restructuring the devastated country, all ethnic groups should be invited to participate.
Last but not the least; the international community should step up their pressures against the military regime in order to bring a significant change in the country. The international community should evaluate the effectiveness of economic sanctions. If not effective, they should come up with an alternative method to do the job better. The day will come when justice prevails. The day is drawing nearer for the downfall of the Burman ethnic group dominated military dictatorship. To achieve the above said goals, the people need unity, patience, endurance and concerted efforts. Different ethnic minorities and the majority Burman ethnic group should set aside their differences in order to achieve their common objectives.
--------------------------
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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* The author is USA based Political Activist and researcher on The Rise of Political Conflicts in Modern Burma (1947-2004). And he can be contacted at paokipgen@yahoo.co.in
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