By : UA Shimray/IFP
“This is not my farewell to you. My only wish is to fight as a soldier in the battle of idea” - Fidel Castro
Naga people today are a fundamentally unhappy and dissatisfied with the ongoing ceasefire and peace talks. In this decade of ceasefire many “unprecedented activities” are taking place in the Naga hills. But most unfortunate on is recent emergent of “political divides” in the form “ethnic” line. This division led to senseless fratricide killing under the confusion tag of “IM” ands “U.” In other word, Nagas are killing each other. Indeed, peace talks are now in confusing stage. Naga public is dis-heartened and it seem the political talks distant from people. Ceasefire and political talks is rather “deconstructed” into ethnic division and fratricide in the name of “blame-game.” It is a sad episode in the Naga history [ceasefire].
The Indo-Naga peace talks between the [NSCN-IM] and the Government of India has cross one decade. In 2007, “indefinite” ceasefire or “sine die” was declared at lesser known place Dimapur [Nagaland] on July 31st 2007. Hitherto, some Naga people demanded for- “No Solution, No Extension of Ceasefire.” Interestingly, a press statement issued by the Ministry of Information of NSCN-IM flayed the Government of India for what was described as “hurting the sentiment of the Nagas” despite holding 59 rounds of talks.
Ceasefire and “Development activities”
Neo-liberal economic ‘reforms’ in India saw a intense protests against Special Economic Zones [SEZs] in in many places cutting across all sections of people. Way back in 1965, were the Export Processing Zones [EPZs] which are are ‘industrial zones with special incentives to attract foreign investment in which imported materials undergo some degree of processing before being exported again [The International Labour Organisation, 1998]. “EPZs emerged in response to the emergence of finance and global capital as the major economic players, the rapidly accumulating capital that seeks to move out to invest, the growing competition between developing nations to attract foreign direct investment and the thirst of capital to have an unfettered play in the pursuit of profit” [C. R. Bijoy, “Special Economic Zones: Profit At Any Cost,” Memo]. The SEZs thus can be seen as an upgraded version of EPZs based on the “success” model of China. Through SEZs, the Indian state gives further free hand for the market to operate. The giving of primacy to industries over agriculture is part of growth driven development. As a result of this policy there is a bee-line for acquiring fertile agricultural lands. This in fact robs people from their subsistence livelihoods by displacing them permanently
At this backdrop it will be worthwhile to examine the situation in Nagaland. Mr. Rio led DAN Nagaland Government invited multilateral agencies and trustees like Sir Ratan Tata and SEZ. Nagaland, the first state in the northeast that was registered on the map of upcoming SEZs. Two SEZs has been approved. Mr. Pillai, Commerce Secretary said: “The multi-product zone proposed in Nagaland will come up over 400 hectares and land is in possession of the developer” [Expressindia.com, July 12, 2007]. A daily from Nagaland reported: “...a group of ministers set up to finalize a relief and rehabilitation policy today decided in Delhi to give state governments discretion to acquire 30 per cent of the land required for an industrial project or special economic zones provided the developer has acquired the balance. State governments can now acquire 30 per cent of the land on behalf of the project developer if the company has already taken 70 per cent of the land in possession.” [The Morung Express, 31st August 2007].
Coincidently, all these mega-development schemes are taking place in the period of ceasefire. Two decades of “silence” the Government of India is keen enough to have parley with the Nagas that also interestingly in so-called liberal and neo-liberal era. Misra [2000: 59] wrote: “Any settlement [with Nagas] would obviously prove to be of great disadvantage to the other militant outfits of the region” [Misra, Udayon. 2000. The Periphery Strikes Back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and Nagaland. Shimla: IIAS]. In this regard, New Delhi’s policy always term Naga political movement as the “mother of insurgency.” In going Misra’s line, New Delhi by any “means” require to tame the Nagas insurgency in the region for economic benefits. As now, the state is enthusiastic to poach North East’s resources, extract properties, and tap the natural-power in the name of development. Therefore, in turn creates doubts over the veracity of the sine die ceasefire reached between New Delhi and NSCN-[IM].
Further the editorial of Economic and Political Weekly [August 4, 2007] wrote: “At the same time, a new rhetoric of development now binds the centre and the north-east into a fresh relationship that does away entirely with the earlier involvement of the local community. For instance, the Democratic Alliance government of Niephiu Rio, elected in 2003, has pursued development aggressively. Recently a multi-product 400 hectare special economic zone was cleared for Nagaland. And the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, in alliance with the Canadian firm Canaro, announced its decision to resume exploration activities in the state 13 years after it was first driven out by the NSCN-IM on grounds that exploration could not continue without the consent of local communities.”
“Uneasiness”
Sometimes reflections cause “uneasiness.” Calcutta based National daily wrote: “By the end of this year, Nagaland might well be exporting ballistic body armour and load-bearing equipment to Baghdad and Washington.” [The Telegraph, April 12, 2007 under the caption of “Armoured for Big Business- Defence equipment firm chooses Nagaland over Malaysia”]. The report claimed that the Armour would acquire about 50 acres land near Dimapur town to prepare armoured vehicles and bullet-proof vests. Mr. Rio’s government is obviously ecstatic as the project promises initial employment for at least 100 people, not to speak of the potential for growth of ancillary units. So, at the expense of 100 people employment Naga-land is ready for the “arm/war-race” company in the land of peace yearning Naga people. Further the report indicates that the products manufactured here have been earmarked for use by the US Allied Forces in Iraq.
One Human Rights activist, Deena comments that: “The political atmosphere is becoming more confused and murkier as there seem to be increased economic or development activities in the state of Nagaland. While those who are involved in the peace process have focused on political issues concerning their future, the Government of India has used cleverly its statecraft to use the economic development programme to undermine the political movement. Even the civil societies have failed to comprehend the ploy of the Indian state in its use of economic development programme to undermine the peace process and divert the attention of people from finding a political solution to the Naga issue [Observation, thoughts and reflections based on interaction with Naga civil Society in Dimapur, Kohima and Mokochung in Nagaland from 26th to 30th July 2006].
With regard to Naga Hills, a new economic incentive is rather observed as “unhealthy” trend. The basic deliberation here is Naga Hills really on the way of “economic-shining,” that would be based on market economy [capitalism]. On the other hand, market has potential tools that will create social classes based on economic assets [so-called middle-class/upper class]. In fact such trend could detour support base of the any socio-political movement in the region. Also, economic policies driven by the neo-liberal economic process would undermine or rather dilute the Naga politics and traditional rights. Or, can economic investment “rescue” Naga political imbroglio? This invite serious thought.
Remarks
The oldest armed struggle in the region is on ceasefire at the moment. A relatively “peace” is prevails in the Naga hills except unfortunate senseless fratricide killing among the Naga family. No doubt, Naga society also cannot shy away from the wave of economic development. However, the so-called development activities is taking shape not in Naga perspective but in corporate [capitalist] format. Capitalist model only incourage individualism and greed. Most importantly, such wave tag with powerful forces that can dilute not only the Naga political movement but basic value of Nagas’ livelihood. In this juncture, one can reflect upon the Tibet scenario too. The recent N. Ram’s article, “Future Tibet” [Frontline, July 27, 2007] concludes as: “…the future of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the extensive Tibetan autonomous areas that form part of four major provinces will be- in their differentiated and distinctive ways- with one China.” China’s policy in Tibet claims that Chinese government developed the region within a short span of time. Indeed, this is how the Chinese intrinsically maneuver to divert the Tibetan’s political aspirations. New Delhi seems to be emulating the Chinese model not only in the case of SEZs, but also in dealing with the political aspirations of the struggles for self-determination.
1. Institute for Social and Economic Change [ISEC], Bangalore 560072. uashimray@hotmail.com
Source: http://ifp.co.in/ArticleFull.asp?ArticleID=357
“This is not my farewell to you. My only wish is to fight as a soldier in the battle of idea” - Fidel Castro
Naga people today are a fundamentally unhappy and dissatisfied with the ongoing ceasefire and peace talks. In this decade of ceasefire many “unprecedented activities” are taking place in the Naga hills. But most unfortunate on is recent emergent of “political divides” in the form “ethnic” line. This division led to senseless fratricide killing under the confusion tag of “IM” ands “U.” In other word, Nagas are killing each other. Indeed, peace talks are now in confusing stage. Naga public is dis-heartened and it seem the political talks distant from people. Ceasefire and political talks is rather “deconstructed” into ethnic division and fratricide in the name of “blame-game.” It is a sad episode in the Naga history [ceasefire].
The Indo-Naga peace talks between the [NSCN-IM] and the Government of India has cross one decade. In 2007, “indefinite” ceasefire or “sine die” was declared at lesser known place Dimapur [Nagaland] on July 31st 2007. Hitherto, some Naga people demanded for- “No Solution, No Extension of Ceasefire.” Interestingly, a press statement issued by the Ministry of Information of NSCN-IM flayed the Government of India for what was described as “hurting the sentiment of the Nagas” despite holding 59 rounds of talks.
Ceasefire and “Development activities”
Neo-liberal economic ‘reforms’ in India saw a intense protests against Special Economic Zones [SEZs] in in many places cutting across all sections of people. Way back in 1965, were the Export Processing Zones [EPZs] which are are ‘industrial zones with special incentives to attract foreign investment in which imported materials undergo some degree of processing before being exported again [The International Labour Organisation, 1998]. “EPZs emerged in response to the emergence of finance and global capital as the major economic players, the rapidly accumulating capital that seeks to move out to invest, the growing competition between developing nations to attract foreign direct investment and the thirst of capital to have an unfettered play in the pursuit of profit” [C. R. Bijoy, “Special Economic Zones: Profit At Any Cost,” Memo]. The SEZs thus can be seen as an upgraded version of EPZs based on the “success” model of China. Through SEZs, the Indian state gives further free hand for the market to operate. The giving of primacy to industries over agriculture is part of growth driven development. As a result of this policy there is a bee-line for acquiring fertile agricultural lands. This in fact robs people from their subsistence livelihoods by displacing them permanently
At this backdrop it will be worthwhile to examine the situation in Nagaland. Mr. Rio led DAN Nagaland Government invited multilateral agencies and trustees like Sir Ratan Tata and SEZ. Nagaland, the first state in the northeast that was registered on the map of upcoming SEZs. Two SEZs has been approved. Mr. Pillai, Commerce Secretary said: “The multi-product zone proposed in Nagaland will come up over 400 hectares and land is in possession of the developer” [Expressindia.com, July 12, 2007]. A daily from Nagaland reported: “...a group of ministers set up to finalize a relief and rehabilitation policy today decided in Delhi to give state governments discretion to acquire 30 per cent of the land required for an industrial project or special economic zones provided the developer has acquired the balance. State governments can now acquire 30 per cent of the land on behalf of the project developer if the company has already taken 70 per cent of the land in possession.” [The Morung Express, 31st August 2007].
Coincidently, all these mega-development schemes are taking place in the period of ceasefire. Two decades of “silence” the Government of India is keen enough to have parley with the Nagas that also interestingly in so-called liberal and neo-liberal era. Misra [2000: 59] wrote: “Any settlement [with Nagas] would obviously prove to be of great disadvantage to the other militant outfits of the region” [Misra, Udayon. 2000. The Periphery Strikes Back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and Nagaland. Shimla: IIAS]. In this regard, New Delhi’s policy always term Naga political movement as the “mother of insurgency.” In going Misra’s line, New Delhi by any “means” require to tame the Nagas insurgency in the region for economic benefits. As now, the state is enthusiastic to poach North East’s resources, extract properties, and tap the natural-power in the name of development. Therefore, in turn creates doubts over the veracity of the sine die ceasefire reached between New Delhi and NSCN-[IM].
Further the editorial of Economic and Political Weekly [August 4, 2007] wrote: “At the same time, a new rhetoric of development now binds the centre and the north-east into a fresh relationship that does away entirely with the earlier involvement of the local community. For instance, the Democratic Alliance government of Niephiu Rio, elected in 2003, has pursued development aggressively. Recently a multi-product 400 hectare special economic zone was cleared for Nagaland. And the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, in alliance with the Canadian firm Canaro, announced its decision to resume exploration activities in the state 13 years after it was first driven out by the NSCN-IM on grounds that exploration could not continue without the consent of local communities.”
“Uneasiness”
Sometimes reflections cause “uneasiness.” Calcutta based National daily wrote: “By the end of this year, Nagaland might well be exporting ballistic body armour and load-bearing equipment to Baghdad and Washington.” [The Telegraph, April 12, 2007 under the caption of “Armoured for Big Business- Defence equipment firm chooses Nagaland over Malaysia”]. The report claimed that the Armour would acquire about 50 acres land near Dimapur town to prepare armoured vehicles and bullet-proof vests. Mr. Rio’s government is obviously ecstatic as the project promises initial employment for at least 100 people, not to speak of the potential for growth of ancillary units. So, at the expense of 100 people employment Naga-land is ready for the “arm/war-race” company in the land of peace yearning Naga people. Further the report indicates that the products manufactured here have been earmarked for use by the US Allied Forces in Iraq.
One Human Rights activist, Deena comments that: “The political atmosphere is becoming more confused and murkier as there seem to be increased economic or development activities in the state of Nagaland. While those who are involved in the peace process have focused on political issues concerning their future, the Government of India has used cleverly its statecraft to use the economic development programme to undermine the political movement. Even the civil societies have failed to comprehend the ploy of the Indian state in its use of economic development programme to undermine the peace process and divert the attention of people from finding a political solution to the Naga issue [Observation, thoughts and reflections based on interaction with Naga civil Society in Dimapur, Kohima and Mokochung in Nagaland from 26th to 30th July 2006].
With regard to Naga Hills, a new economic incentive is rather observed as “unhealthy” trend. The basic deliberation here is Naga Hills really on the way of “economic-shining,” that would be based on market economy [capitalism]. On the other hand, market has potential tools that will create social classes based on economic assets [so-called middle-class/upper class]. In fact such trend could detour support base of the any socio-political movement in the region. Also, economic policies driven by the neo-liberal economic process would undermine or rather dilute the Naga politics and traditional rights. Or, can economic investment “rescue” Naga political imbroglio? This invite serious thought.
Remarks
The oldest armed struggle in the region is on ceasefire at the moment. A relatively “peace” is prevails in the Naga hills except unfortunate senseless fratricide killing among the Naga family. No doubt, Naga society also cannot shy away from the wave of economic development. However, the so-called development activities is taking shape not in Naga perspective but in corporate [capitalist] format. Capitalist model only incourage individualism and greed. Most importantly, such wave tag with powerful forces that can dilute not only the Naga political movement but basic value of Nagas’ livelihood. In this juncture, one can reflect upon the Tibet scenario too. The recent N. Ram’s article, “Future Tibet” [Frontline, July 27, 2007] concludes as: “…the future of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the extensive Tibetan autonomous areas that form part of four major provinces will be- in their differentiated and distinctive ways- with one China.” China’s policy in Tibet claims that Chinese government developed the region within a short span of time. Indeed, this is how the Chinese intrinsically maneuver to divert the Tibetan’s political aspirations. New Delhi seems to be emulating the Chinese model not only in the case of SEZs, but also in dealing with the political aspirations of the struggles for self-determination.
1. Institute for Social and Economic Change [ISEC], Bangalore 560072. uashimray@hotmail.com
Source: http://ifp.co.in/ArticleFull.asp?ArticleID=357
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