Anil Bhat, 31 July, 2007
In the light of the United National Liberation Front and its armed wing, the Manipur People’s Army, allegedly having links with the Bangladesh-based Pakistani Inter Services Intelligence and indulging in atrocities like laying mines, commiting mass rape and torturing Hmars and Kukis in Churachandpur and Chandel districts from 2005 to 2007 - not to forget their repeated statements that all these acts had been perpetrated by the Army - it may be pertinent to refer to some earlier media reports.
The Inter Press Service article “Christian Tribals Flee Mines and Rape in Manipur”, datelined Imphal, 27 June 2006, quoted Malini Bhattacharya of the National Council for Women who went to Parbung in Churachandpur and interviewed 21 of the 25 known rape victims, one of whom, a minor, had become pregnant. “At least two of the victims said they could identify some of the rapists,” she stated. The report also mentioned that after the Churachandpur rapes, Hmar associations had been demanding a permanent Army presence in the area. “Once the Army leaves, the insurgents are bound to return and seek further revenge,” said a pastor who asked not to be identified. And that is just what happened.
On 23 March 2007, about 800 Kuki, Hmar, Chin, Mizo and even Naga tribal youths demonstrated in Delhi, shouting slogans against the UNLF, Ibobi Singh and his government. This was the second agitation in March to condemn the harassment, torture, killings, laying of landmines and the abduction and “deportation” of more than 400 Indian Kukis on 13 March 2007 by the UNLF and Myanmar army. The slogans of the first agitation were “UNLF-Rapists… UNLF-Down Down… Launch Immediately-Army Operations… Deactivate Landmines… Rehabilitate Kukis… UNLF-Get Out, Get Out”.
The second agitation was marked by burning effigies of Ibobi Singh and slogans like “Go 2 Hell Manmohan” and “Kick out Ibobi Government”. In “Northeast Echoes” (The Telegraph, 23 April 2007) Patricia Mukhim wrote, “… No one knows this better than the people of Manipur, mainly the Meiteis, who have done everything possible to draw the attention of international human rights organisations to the pernicious clauses of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. But look at the irony of the situation. Today when the Kukis, an ethnic minority within the same state, are oppressed by the UNLF, a Meitei militant group, none of the Imphal Valley-based human rights groups are taking up their cause. This is what erodes the credibility of ‘human rights NGOs’… How could the human rights groups remain silent in the face of atrocities and outrage inflicted by a militant group, which far exceed those of the armed forces? Whereas the cry for removal of the AFSPA is extremely shrill in Imphal Valley it does not seem to resonate with the other tribes.”
L Haokip, general secretary of the Kuki Students’ Organisation, Delhi, told me that the Ibobi government came to power again mainly owing to the UNLF. KSO members also expressed despondency about the future of Kukis in view of the Centre rooting for Ibobi, who is not expected to take any action against the UNLF. As such, the present crisis is being seen by the KSO as one which has the potential of exploding as a Meitei versus tribal confrontation, something which needs to be avoided at all costs by taking effective action. Unfortunately, a very negative fallout of all this is the politicisation of the state’s police forces.
Following earlier incidents, the Assam Rifles at Moreh was replaced by the 4th India Reserve Battalion. Shortly after its deployment, a constable, Jamkholen Haokip, was allegedly shot dead by a colleague on 11 June. Morung Express, datelined 1 July, 2007, Dimapur, reported that Jangmang Haokip, chief of Moreh and president of the Hill Tribal Council, Moreh Hill Town, sent a memorandum to the Prime Minister alleging that “the IRB personnel in a state of semi-mutiny tried to kill their commanding officer on 29 June might and called for a bandh in Moreh. The CO took shelter in an Army camp and reached Imphal the next day. This is what IRB is doing, and the general public has lost confidence completely in the IRB.” Haokip called for the immediate removal of the IRB force and demanded deployment of the Army. This was not acceptable in Moreh for obvious reasons, so it was decided to deploy state forces on a roster system, starting with the 7 Manipur Rifles, which, like the IRB, comprises Meiteis and Manipur-based tribals.
While communally incited mutinous situations in the security forces must be prevented, landmines in the hands of terrorists in Manipur is cause for concern. Landmines are far more dangerous than conventional small arms and no country should be lackadaisical enough to allow non-state actors to acquire these.
(The author is a security analyst and chief editor of WordSword Features & Media.)
Source: The Stateman
In the light of the United National Liberation Front and its armed wing, the Manipur People’s Army, allegedly having links with the Bangladesh-based Pakistani Inter Services Intelligence and indulging in atrocities like laying mines, commiting mass rape and torturing Hmars and Kukis in Churachandpur and Chandel districts from 2005 to 2007 - not to forget their repeated statements that all these acts had been perpetrated by the Army - it may be pertinent to refer to some earlier media reports.
The Inter Press Service article “Christian Tribals Flee Mines and Rape in Manipur”, datelined Imphal, 27 June 2006, quoted Malini Bhattacharya of the National Council for Women who went to Parbung in Churachandpur and interviewed 21 of the 25 known rape victims, one of whom, a minor, had become pregnant. “At least two of the victims said they could identify some of the rapists,” she stated. The report also mentioned that after the Churachandpur rapes, Hmar associations had been demanding a permanent Army presence in the area. “Once the Army leaves, the insurgents are bound to return and seek further revenge,” said a pastor who asked not to be identified. And that is just what happened.
On 23 March 2007, about 800 Kuki, Hmar, Chin, Mizo and even Naga tribal youths demonstrated in Delhi, shouting slogans against the UNLF, Ibobi Singh and his government. This was the second agitation in March to condemn the harassment, torture, killings, laying of landmines and the abduction and “deportation” of more than 400 Indian Kukis on 13 March 2007 by the UNLF and Myanmar army. The slogans of the first agitation were “UNLF-Rapists… UNLF-Down Down… Launch Immediately-Army Operations… Deactivate Landmines… Rehabilitate Kukis… UNLF-Get Out, Get Out”.
The second agitation was marked by burning effigies of Ibobi Singh and slogans like “Go 2 Hell Manmohan” and “Kick out Ibobi Government”. In “Northeast Echoes” (The Telegraph, 23 April 2007) Patricia Mukhim wrote, “… No one knows this better than the people of Manipur, mainly the Meiteis, who have done everything possible to draw the attention of international human rights organisations to the pernicious clauses of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. But look at the irony of the situation. Today when the Kukis, an ethnic minority within the same state, are oppressed by the UNLF, a Meitei militant group, none of the Imphal Valley-based human rights groups are taking up their cause. This is what erodes the credibility of ‘human rights NGOs’… How could the human rights groups remain silent in the face of atrocities and outrage inflicted by a militant group, which far exceed those of the armed forces? Whereas the cry for removal of the AFSPA is extremely shrill in Imphal Valley it does not seem to resonate with the other tribes.”
L Haokip, general secretary of the Kuki Students’ Organisation, Delhi, told me that the Ibobi government came to power again mainly owing to the UNLF. KSO members also expressed despondency about the future of Kukis in view of the Centre rooting for Ibobi, who is not expected to take any action against the UNLF. As such, the present crisis is being seen by the KSO as one which has the potential of exploding as a Meitei versus tribal confrontation, something which needs to be avoided at all costs by taking effective action. Unfortunately, a very negative fallout of all this is the politicisation of the state’s police forces.
Following earlier incidents, the Assam Rifles at Moreh was replaced by the 4th India Reserve Battalion. Shortly after its deployment, a constable, Jamkholen Haokip, was allegedly shot dead by a colleague on 11 June. Morung Express, datelined 1 July, 2007, Dimapur, reported that Jangmang Haokip, chief of Moreh and president of the Hill Tribal Council, Moreh Hill Town, sent a memorandum to the Prime Minister alleging that “the IRB personnel in a state of semi-mutiny tried to kill their commanding officer on 29 June might and called for a bandh in Moreh. The CO took shelter in an Army camp and reached Imphal the next day. This is what IRB is doing, and the general public has lost confidence completely in the IRB.” Haokip called for the immediate removal of the IRB force and demanded deployment of the Army. This was not acceptable in Moreh for obvious reasons, so it was decided to deploy state forces on a roster system, starting with the 7 Manipur Rifles, which, like the IRB, comprises Meiteis and Manipur-based tribals.
While communally incited mutinous situations in the security forces must be prevented, landmines in the hands of terrorists in Manipur is cause for concern. Landmines are far more dangerous than conventional small arms and no country should be lackadaisical enough to allow non-state actors to acquire these.
(The author is a security analyst and chief editor of WordSword Features & Media.)
Source: The Stateman
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