By Patricia Mikhim
The concept of democracy in the Northeast varies in every geographical area. One is not using the term “state” here because that term is still not very well-defined or understood by the people of the region. Apart from clearly marked geographical boundaries, the state is supposed to have some sort of homogeneity, either by way of a common language or a common culture...
But that is not the case with the Northeast. Manipur, for instance, is sharply divided between the hills and the valley. While the valley is inhabited by Meiteis who were Hinduised in the 18th century by the Vaishnavite sect from Bengal, the hills are largely occupied by the Nagas and people of Kuki-Chin origin. Interestingly, the Meiteis are struggling even today to be recognised as “indigenous” tribes of Manipur, on account of their Hindu background.
The Meiteis do not enjoy Scheduled Tribe status. Because of the same reason, Meities are not allowed to own land in the hills, while the hill people have every right to own land in the plains. Such convoluted policies, though meant to be mechanisms for positive discrimination, are bound to give rise to conflict. The hill people enjoy reservation in all educational institutions and in government employment. But the Meiteis are considered non-tribals and are therefore placed in the “general category”.
Applying two sets of policies for the same ethnic stock within the same state, only because one group adopted a different religious ideology, can in no way be called fair or impartial. The seeds of conflict are sown by such discriminating policies.
The tribals of Manipur claim that the hills have been left out of the development processes and blame the more advanced Meiteis for it. The hill people do not think it politically correct to blame their elected representatives for the lack of development, though that should have been the natural thing to do, considering that a Thangkhul Naga was chief minister of Manipur for more than two terms. While the hilly regions comprise two-thirds of Manipur, the total number of elected representatives in the legislature of 60 members is only 20. The valley, which is smaller in geographical area, has 40 elected representatives. Population distribution is the basis for this peculiar equation. These are the dichotomies which the people of the state of Manipur have lived with for decades.
The Meiteis are quick to cite history because they feel that the hill people have chosen to conveniently forget that shared history. The “homeland” issue, which has become a vital component of the NSCN (I-M) struggle, envisages a map that includes two-thirds of the geographical area of Manipur in that map. The Nagalim boundary extends to Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. This issue of a Naga homeland or Nagalim has in recent times become a contentious one for Arunachal Pradesh, though skirmishes along the Assam-Nagaland border of Merapani are not an infrequent occurrence.
The Naga issue
If and when Nagalim becomes a reality, the geographical boundaries of at least three states will have to be redrawn. Though a large chunk of Naga-inhabited areas also stretches into Myanmar, the Nagas have surprisingly not made an issue out of that. Their argument is that they first need to wrestle with India and then take on the others. After all, India is a democracy and Myanmar is not. There is scope for dialogue with India. A military junta would be the last to entertain such indulgences and adventurous forays into its territory. If the conflict between India and the NSCN (I-M) is resolved, there would be an immediate conflict with the adjoining states. What sort of democratic response can there be for this kind of internal dissension?
Coming closer home, the Khasis, Jaintias and Garos together make up the state of Meghalaya. Because of the controversial reservation policy operating in the state, things have come to a flashpoint. There are attempts by some sections from both groups to sow the seeds of disharmony and accentuate the differences between the Khasis and Jaintias, who are of one ethnic stock and the Garos, who are of Tibeto-Burman origin. Such internal fissures stand in the way of nation-building.
Similar differences plague other states in the region because new ethnic groups try to find their place in the sun. The Northeast, therefore, is so bogged down by its own problems that it has no time to entertain futuristic ideas. Yet, the region cannot engage itself indefinitely in resolving its conflicts — conflicts that are part and parcel of ethnic assertions.
While the region grapples with some of its self-created problems and others which have been handed down by history, a new and more frightening scenario is developing. The market place is deciding the future of many a “state” and of the nation. The market is pushing reforms that states, specially those in the Northeast, are not ready for. An oft-quoted statement from sociologists is that “if you do not manage change, then change will manage you”. In other words, if we are not in the driving seat we will be driven around. A person who does not control the steering will be at the mercy of the one who is actually driving the vehicle.
Ethnic sentiments
Again, while the Northeast is a cultural mosaic, the tendency of the political class is to whip up ethnic sentiments and keep the region to itself through such regressive kinds of legislation as the Inner Line Permit or the Restricted Area Permit, even while eulogising the region and trying to sell it as a favoured tourist destination. The tribal psyche is hyper-sensitive to anything that involves their culture and tradition. They have been led to believe that opening up their economies would result in cultural erosion. The region has, therefore, consciously stalled development on the pretext that it would threaten these unique cultural practices.
Ironically, the culture and traditional practices that are sought to be conserved in their pristine form are also some of the most paternalistic and patriarchal. Interestingly, the traditionalists never see this component of their culture which is gender blind and perpetuates oppressive patriarchal values, though such “cultures” militate against the norms of modern thinking. Even militant groups, that otherwise claim to be protagonists of a more equitable society, are extremely inflexible when it comes to views on women. In fact, the first target of all militant groups are women. It is the “other gender” that must nurture culture and wear those clothes that meet the approval of these fascist organisations.
Economic unity
The region is struggling to cope with liberalist ideas that are beamed into its drawing rooms through cable television, while simultaneously trying to keep up with its culture. It is a constant tussle between the jeans and T-shirt civilisation versus the ethnic. Sociologists will prescribe a happy synthesis between them and perhaps that is the only sensible thing to do. The Northeast must decide whether it wants to remain a cultural museum or to integrate itself with the nation and the global community.
Economic integration is no longer an option. It is an imperative. Economic progress can in no way be a threat to culture. It is an impoverished Northeast that is more likely to become extinct. Economic growth is a must to prevent disillusioned educated unemployed youth from turning to violence as a means to an end. The end is not defined and therefore unclear even to the actors themselves. The problem is acute in Manipur and this can be discerned from the voices of frustration that echo at every forum which discusses conflicts and their varying dimensions and impact.
Those who constantly focus on the differences and ethnic divisions in the region do so with an eye on the political chessboard. They do not care if the state breaks into smithereens as long as their interests are protected. It is sad that the common people are unable to comprehend these destructive strategies. It is here that discussions around seminar tables need to reach the masses. Unless that happens, even the most meaningful deliberations would remain confined to the educated class and the voice of the people will continue to be stifled while those in the seat of power continue to play with their fragile existence.
Source: www.kuknalim.com
The concept of democracy in the Northeast varies in every geographical area. One is not using the term “state” here because that term is still not very well-defined or understood by the people of the region. Apart from clearly marked geographical boundaries, the state is supposed to have some sort of homogeneity, either by way of a common language or a common culture...
But that is not the case with the Northeast. Manipur, for instance, is sharply divided between the hills and the valley. While the valley is inhabited by Meiteis who were Hinduised in the 18th century by the Vaishnavite sect from Bengal, the hills are largely occupied by the Nagas and people of Kuki-Chin origin. Interestingly, the Meiteis are struggling even today to be recognised as “indigenous” tribes of Manipur, on account of their Hindu background.
The Meiteis do not enjoy Scheduled Tribe status. Because of the same reason, Meities are not allowed to own land in the hills, while the hill people have every right to own land in the plains. Such convoluted policies, though meant to be mechanisms for positive discrimination, are bound to give rise to conflict. The hill people enjoy reservation in all educational institutions and in government employment. But the Meiteis are considered non-tribals and are therefore placed in the “general category”.
Applying two sets of policies for the same ethnic stock within the same state, only because one group adopted a different religious ideology, can in no way be called fair or impartial. The seeds of conflict are sown by such discriminating policies.
The tribals of Manipur claim that the hills have been left out of the development processes and blame the more advanced Meiteis for it. The hill people do not think it politically correct to blame their elected representatives for the lack of development, though that should have been the natural thing to do, considering that a Thangkhul Naga was chief minister of Manipur for more than two terms. While the hilly regions comprise two-thirds of Manipur, the total number of elected representatives in the legislature of 60 members is only 20. The valley, which is smaller in geographical area, has 40 elected representatives. Population distribution is the basis for this peculiar equation. These are the dichotomies which the people of the state of Manipur have lived with for decades.
The Meiteis are quick to cite history because they feel that the hill people have chosen to conveniently forget that shared history. The “homeland” issue, which has become a vital component of the NSCN (I-M) struggle, envisages a map that includes two-thirds of the geographical area of Manipur in that map. The Nagalim boundary extends to Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. This issue of a Naga homeland or Nagalim has in recent times become a contentious one for Arunachal Pradesh, though skirmishes along the Assam-Nagaland border of Merapani are not an infrequent occurrence.
The Naga issue
If and when Nagalim becomes a reality, the geographical boundaries of at least three states will have to be redrawn. Though a large chunk of Naga-inhabited areas also stretches into Myanmar, the Nagas have surprisingly not made an issue out of that. Their argument is that they first need to wrestle with India and then take on the others. After all, India is a democracy and Myanmar is not. There is scope for dialogue with India. A military junta would be the last to entertain such indulgences and adventurous forays into its territory. If the conflict between India and the NSCN (I-M) is resolved, there would be an immediate conflict with the adjoining states. What sort of democratic response can there be for this kind of internal dissension?
Coming closer home, the Khasis, Jaintias and Garos together make up the state of Meghalaya. Because of the controversial reservation policy operating in the state, things have come to a flashpoint. There are attempts by some sections from both groups to sow the seeds of disharmony and accentuate the differences between the Khasis and Jaintias, who are of one ethnic stock and the Garos, who are of Tibeto-Burman origin. Such internal fissures stand in the way of nation-building.
Similar differences plague other states in the region because new ethnic groups try to find their place in the sun. The Northeast, therefore, is so bogged down by its own problems that it has no time to entertain futuristic ideas. Yet, the region cannot engage itself indefinitely in resolving its conflicts — conflicts that are part and parcel of ethnic assertions.
While the region grapples with some of its self-created problems and others which have been handed down by history, a new and more frightening scenario is developing. The market place is deciding the future of many a “state” and of the nation. The market is pushing reforms that states, specially those in the Northeast, are not ready for. An oft-quoted statement from sociologists is that “if you do not manage change, then change will manage you”. In other words, if we are not in the driving seat we will be driven around. A person who does not control the steering will be at the mercy of the one who is actually driving the vehicle.
Ethnic sentiments
Again, while the Northeast is a cultural mosaic, the tendency of the political class is to whip up ethnic sentiments and keep the region to itself through such regressive kinds of legislation as the Inner Line Permit or the Restricted Area Permit, even while eulogising the region and trying to sell it as a favoured tourist destination. The tribal psyche is hyper-sensitive to anything that involves their culture and tradition. They have been led to believe that opening up their economies would result in cultural erosion. The region has, therefore, consciously stalled development on the pretext that it would threaten these unique cultural practices.
Ironically, the culture and traditional practices that are sought to be conserved in their pristine form are also some of the most paternalistic and patriarchal. Interestingly, the traditionalists never see this component of their culture which is gender blind and perpetuates oppressive patriarchal values, though such “cultures” militate against the norms of modern thinking. Even militant groups, that otherwise claim to be protagonists of a more equitable society, are extremely inflexible when it comes to views on women. In fact, the first target of all militant groups are women. It is the “other gender” that must nurture culture and wear those clothes that meet the approval of these fascist organisations.
Economic unity
The region is struggling to cope with liberalist ideas that are beamed into its drawing rooms through cable television, while simultaneously trying to keep up with its culture. It is a constant tussle between the jeans and T-shirt civilisation versus the ethnic. Sociologists will prescribe a happy synthesis between them and perhaps that is the only sensible thing to do. The Northeast must decide whether it wants to remain a cultural museum or to integrate itself with the nation and the global community.
Economic integration is no longer an option. It is an imperative. Economic progress can in no way be a threat to culture. It is an impoverished Northeast that is more likely to become extinct. Economic growth is a must to prevent disillusioned educated unemployed youth from turning to violence as a means to an end. The end is not defined and therefore unclear even to the actors themselves. The problem is acute in Manipur and this can be discerned from the voices of frustration that echo at every forum which discusses conflicts and their varying dimensions and impact.
Those who constantly focus on the differences and ethnic divisions in the region do so with an eye on the political chessboard. They do not care if the state breaks into smithereens as long as their interests are protected. It is sad that the common people are unable to comprehend these destructive strategies. It is here that discussions around seminar tables need to reach the masses. Unless that happens, even the most meaningful deliberations would remain confined to the educated class and the voice of the people will continue to be stifled while those in the seat of power continue to play with their fragile existence.
Source: www.kuknalim.com
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