The threat by the All Tribal Students Union Manipur, ATSUM, to pull out all tribal students from the Manipur University, has brought to the fore once again, another problematic issue, one which has seen flared sentiments everywhere in India, and not just in Manipur. The students complain that the university after its takeover by the Centre has not improved but depleted the number of tribal academicians in the university faculties. They also point out that even before the Central takeover, tribals were already poorly represented in the various faculties of the university. Among many other inferences, one thing is more than evident from these observations – the Manipur government’s reservation policy may or may not be adequate, but it is more liberal than that of the Central government. Nonetheless, a serious examination is called for into the allegation of poor representation of tribals. Two things need to be established first and foremost. One, how accurate is the allegation? The second query would follow only if the answer to the first is in the affirmative, and this pertains to how and why this has happened. Is this scenario the result of any failure on the part of the government’s reservation policy? Or is it a case of shortfall of qualified tribal candidates for these jobs? Are these not a preferred job choice for the cream of tribal job seekers? These are some of the thoughts that come to mind, and depending on the honest answers to them would also come the hints at how rectifications can be sought.
Two of these last queries can be treated as factors of each others. If jobs in academics are not preferred by the cream of tribal job seekers, then there obviously would be the possibility of a shortfall of candidates from this section of the society possessing the requisite aptitude and qualification for these jobs. As for instance, the best of tribal candidates could be opting for the civil services, both of the state and the Union, so that there are not enough from this creamy layer (in terms of inclination for academic pursuits, not material endowment) left for university faculties. And like it or not, jobs in academics are meant for this creamy layer. It is a rigorous field which no serious job seekers can with confidence say is something they keep in reserve in case they are unable to make it to their dream jobs. To put it another way, if the best do not opt for it, too bad, this is not a job for the second rung. As in the case of jobs in the civil services, a candidate first of all has to be above average, have the aptitude for the job, and above all want the job from the time he or she becomes career conscious. Again, natural, unforced segregation of professional affinities in society does happen all the time everywhere. As for instance it would be difficult to find Marwaris in the army but plenty of them would be in business. On the other hand, plenty of Sikhs would opt for the army, but not too many of them would be in carpentry. If this is also the case in the MU job scenario, ATSUM’s strike is unreasonable, and it must find other ways of addressing the problem. In fact, ATSUM’s strike would be reasonable only if the poor representation of tribals in the university faculty is on account of any discriminatory policy, and this is what must be determined.
Certain jobs must have absolute qualifying standards too, and academics is one such. If this is the cause behind the discrepancies in representation that the students’ body point out, it would again only be fair for the ATSUM to rethink the strike it plans. Just as when tribal candidates do well in recruitment tests they are included in the general list so as not to disturb the reserved quota for the weaker tribal candidates (as in the case of the last Manipur civil services examination in which three tribal candidates got general seats), when there are no qualified tribal candidates for any of the disciplines in the field of academics, these seats must be allowed to be filled by qualified candidates from amongst general candidates. But as we said, the facts behind the present case must first be established before anybody thinks of a verdict. The odds at this moment do seem to be against the ATSUM. For even it the Manipur government recruitment rules had been biased all along while the MU was under it, making it unduly difficult for tribals to make it into these jobs, why would the Central government, which is seen at least in this case to be in a more neutral position, have a reservation policy which is tougher than even the state government’s supposedly discriminatory one. We recommend rational discourses that rely on reason, rather than fiery rhetoric and stubborn positioning as a way of getting around this vexing problem.
IFP
Two of these last queries can be treated as factors of each others. If jobs in academics are not preferred by the cream of tribal job seekers, then there obviously would be the possibility of a shortfall of candidates from this section of the society possessing the requisite aptitude and qualification for these jobs. As for instance, the best of tribal candidates could be opting for the civil services, both of the state and the Union, so that there are not enough from this creamy layer (in terms of inclination for academic pursuits, not material endowment) left for university faculties. And like it or not, jobs in academics are meant for this creamy layer. It is a rigorous field which no serious job seekers can with confidence say is something they keep in reserve in case they are unable to make it to their dream jobs. To put it another way, if the best do not opt for it, too bad, this is not a job for the second rung. As in the case of jobs in the civil services, a candidate first of all has to be above average, have the aptitude for the job, and above all want the job from the time he or she becomes career conscious. Again, natural, unforced segregation of professional affinities in society does happen all the time everywhere. As for instance it would be difficult to find Marwaris in the army but plenty of them would be in business. On the other hand, plenty of Sikhs would opt for the army, but not too many of them would be in carpentry. If this is also the case in the MU job scenario, ATSUM’s strike is unreasonable, and it must find other ways of addressing the problem. In fact, ATSUM’s strike would be reasonable only if the poor representation of tribals in the university faculty is on account of any discriminatory policy, and this is what must be determined.
Certain jobs must have absolute qualifying standards too, and academics is one such. If this is the cause behind the discrepancies in representation that the students’ body point out, it would again only be fair for the ATSUM to rethink the strike it plans. Just as when tribal candidates do well in recruitment tests they are included in the general list so as not to disturb the reserved quota for the weaker tribal candidates (as in the case of the last Manipur civil services examination in which three tribal candidates got general seats), when there are no qualified tribal candidates for any of the disciplines in the field of academics, these seats must be allowed to be filled by qualified candidates from amongst general candidates. But as we said, the facts behind the present case must first be established before anybody thinks of a verdict. The odds at this moment do seem to be against the ATSUM. For even it the Manipur government recruitment rules had been biased all along while the MU was under it, making it unduly difficult for tribals to make it into these jobs, why would the Central government, which is seen at least in this case to be in a more neutral position, have a reservation policy which is tougher than even the state government’s supposedly discriminatory one. We recommend rational discourses that rely on reason, rather than fiery rhetoric and stubborn positioning as a way of getting around this vexing problem.
IFP
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